News & Politics

Explaining every faction in Queens politics, a borough of extremes

Here’s a roadmap to understanding the battleground borough.

If Queens were its own city, it would be one of the largest in the country, but politically, Queens is a small town. It is a borough of neighborhoods that thrives on retail politics. Recounting what he tells some of his first-time candidates, Queens political strategist Eugene Noh said, “The ones who are impossible to coach – they’re the ones who grew up watching ‘The West Wing’ and really wanted to run for office. I tell my clients, watch ‘Parks and Rec.’ It is much more realistic.”

Queens is a borough of political dynasties: the Weprins, the Vallones, the Hevesis, the Addabbos, the Pheffers, the Crowleys, the Staviskys and (arguably) the Cuomos. People vote for the politicians who live down the block from them, who take care of that one pothole or whose kid is on their kid’s T-ball team. And often, those people have been in office for years and, sometimes, their parents were in office for years. For a borough of immigrants, it’s sometimes jarring that a place so transient can be so stagnant. And some people like it that way – but others can’t stand it. It’s a world with long-standing feuds, alliances and everything in between, a political arena that at times makes no sense at all, yet is often predictable and full of contradictions.

Queens is also a borough of extremes. It’s represented by Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez and Assembly Member Zohran Mamdani on the left and New York City Council Members Vickie Paladino and Joann Ariola on the right. While Democratic officeholders far outnumber Republicans, there’s a strong undercurrent of centrist or conservative ideals. It was only four years ago that Eric Ulrich was holding on to the last Republican City Council seat in the borough. Now, the GOP is surging. President Donald Trump won 37% of the Queens vote last year, a 10-point jump over 2020. And in 2022, then-Rep. Lee Zeldin outperformed Gov. Kathy Hochul in parts of the borough. It’s not inconceivable that Republicans could flip more seats either this year or next year.

Through interviews with numerous Queens consultants and politicos as well as analysis of recent election results and area demographics, this broad roadmap – while not an exact science – lays out the power players in government, the influential institutions and the issues that are most important to voters.

In this unsettled moment in New York politics – with former Gov. Andrew Cuomo trying to make a political comeback in the chaotic New York City mayoral primary field and Trump holding the fate of Mayor Eric Adams in his hands – now is as good a time as ever to try to make sense of the place where it all started for them: Queens.

The People’s Republic of Astoria

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Emblematic leaders: Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, Assembly Member Zohran Mamdani and New York City Council Member Tiffany Cabán

Neighborhoods: Long Island City, Astoria, Ridgewood, Sunnyside, Woodside 

Centers of power: New York City Democratic Socialists of America, New York Working Families Party, Queens Community Board 2

Key events: Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez’s 2018 primary win over then-Rep. Joseph Crowley, Progressives defeat Amazon’s HQ2 proposal in the Anabel Basin in 2019

Trending direction: Remains far left

Nuance that often gets missed: Not everyone in Ridgewood is a democratic socialist – especially the further east you go.

It was Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez who first coined the phrase “the People’s Republic of Astoria” – and arguably, there is no one more emblematic of that faction. The borough’s left flank resides in western Queens and is the base for the New York City Democratic Socialists of America. This faction is ideologically fairly separate from the rest of the borough.

“If you’re a moderate candidate, you may feel you have more comfort and more of a shot to win in Southeast Queens. But then you do have to come to terms with the reality that you’re not going to win Astoria, Long Island City and Steinway,” said political consultant Tanbir Chowdhury. That cuts both ways, he said, pointing to mayoral candidate and Assembly Member Zohran Mamdani as an example. “I’m pretty sure he’s feeling very comfortable he’s going to win Astoria and western Queens in his sleep. But then when it comes to Southeast Queens, they have no inroads there.”

At least some of the identity of “The People’s Republic of Astoria” has diffused from parts of Brooklyn, specifically, Williamsburg and Greenpoint – far-left gentrifiers, many of whom are white, though there are plenty of Asian and Latino residents as well. And high rents contribute to the area’s transient nature.

The issues on the table are mostly what you’d expect: More bike lanes, rent control and the like. But the same issues and ideals that galvanized Queens’ left wing in the fight to stop Amazon from building its HQ2 here still ring true: an opposition to government subsidizing big business, concerns about gentrification and inequality writ large. AOC’s stunning primary victory in 2018 had already provided some of that push, but so did her fight against Amazon alongside state Sen. Mike Gianaris. The progressive state Senate deputy majority leader is one of the few members of the old guard to remain in office, in part because he has become an ally of the far left. State Sen. Jessica Ramos also played a key role in the Amazon battle, though she, like Gianaris, is not quite as far left as some of the key figures in the People’s Republic. Soon after that was Tiffany Cabán’s narrow loss to Melinda Katz in the 2019 Democratic primary for Queens district attorney. The left organized around that loss, the end result of which was electing Mamdani to the Assembly and later, Cabán to the City Council.

If there’s one caveat, though, it’s that the southern part of this faction – namely Ridgewood – is not entirely committed to the left. There’s a reason why Johanna Carmona did well there in the Assembly District 37 Democratic primary last year: Not everyone there is sold on the DSA.

Centrist Central

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Emblematic leaders: New York City Council Member Bob Holden

Neighborhoods: Middle Village, Maspeth, Glendale, Rego Park, Forest Hills

Centers of power: Juniper Park Civic Association, Queens Community Board 5

Key events: Holden’s 2017 City Council win on the Republican Party line over incumbent Elizabeth Crowley

Trending direction: Leaning right

Nuance that often gets missed: The chattering class can’t stand Holden, but his constituents love him.

Were it not for the infamously confusing street names – 70th Avenue, 70th Road and 70th Drive, for instance, are all next to each other – walking around parts of Central Queens, you might think you were in suburban Long Island. But no. Previously home to manufacturing sites, the area has remained largely blue-collar and predominately white (often of German or Polish descent), though there are Latino and Asian enclaves as well. The suburban feel is prominent in part because Central Queens is where several subway lines end. That shapes how people feel about key issues: As an area that relies largely on cars, many community members oppose congestion pricing. But with some still relying on public transportation – namely, buses – and a general propensity for law and order, public safety is one of the biggest issues here. Related issues that drive this faction up the wall? E-scooters and mopeds as well as marijuana dispensaries, legal or otherwise. Shelters of any kind are a no-go here, with a homeless shelter at a Maspeth Holiday Inn Express playing a big role in Holden’s rise to power.

Much like Holden himself, people may often look at this faction and wonder how they are still Democrats. Indeed, it’s a fairly red area surrounded by a sea of blue. But even if the ideals have remained similar for years, who they vote for has not. The Crowley family – former Rep. Joe Crowley and former City Council Member Elizabeth Crowley – was once the heart of the Queens Democratic Party. It’s pretty on the nose that Bob Holden, the conservative-leaning Democratic co-chair of the Common Sense Caucus, ran on the Republican line to defeat Elizabeth Crowley – also a Democrat – in 2017. He still runs on multiple party lines – and recently, he endorsed both a Republican and a Democrat to succeed him. But that’s the thing: It’s what his district wants. “I think even (Holden) knows there is not a clear-(cut) party priority,” said political strategist Tess McRae. Pointing to Trump’s strong performance in Central Queens, she added, “There’s a reason (Holden) prides himself on being such a bipartisan Democrat and endorses as many Republicans. … He’s tapping into something.”

Forest Hills is arguably the outlier; it is perhaps more center-left than center-right in some parts of the neighborhood. But given its proximity to the rest of the faction and the generally centrist nature of Jewish voters (with some variation  in the area) and a shared concern over issues like public safety, there’s a commonality here.

The New Queens Machine

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Emblematic leaders: Rep. Greg Meeks, New York City Council Speaker Adrienne Adams, state Sen. Leroy Comrie, Queens Borough President Donovan Richards, Assembly Member Vivian Cook

Neighborhoods: Jamaica, Hollis, Queens Village, Cambria Heights, Laurelton, Springfield Gardens, St. Albans, Far Rockaway

Centers of power: Guy R. Brewer United Democratic Club, Queens Democratic Party, Greater Allen AME Cathedral of New York, Downtown Jamaica Partnership, Jamaica Hospital Medical Center, Queens Surrogate’s Court

Key events: Meeks becomes the new Democratic Party boss in March 2019, Comrie takes a pay cut to run for state Senate and ousts Malcolm Smith in 2014

Trending direction: Remains solidly Democratic

Nuance that often gets missed: Where residents fall on given issues has a lot to do with whether they are homeowners or renters.

In a post-Joe Crowley political world, it’s safe to say that the Queens County Democratic Party – “the machine” – is not quite what it used to be. And while it was always a key part of the machine, Southeast Queens became the heart of the county party when Rep. Greg Meeks took over as chair. The Democratic stronghold has produced numerous leaders, including New York City Council Speaker Adrienne Adams, state Sen. Leroy Comrie and Queens Borough President Donovan Richards. The party has long relied on Black voters in Southeast Queens to show up to the polls – and they have. There’s a reason why Mayor Eric Adams, Speaker Adams and former Gov. Andrew Cuomo will be fighting for those voters in the mayoral primary: They are loyal Democratic voters. But even as politicians in Southeast Queens are part of a powerful faction, they remain well liked because they’re focused on the issues their constituents care about. “Broadly speaking, I think that the folks that do well – that have the power, so to speak – are the folks that are deeply in tune with what their community wants. They, above all else, are prioritizing what their constituency wants,” McRae said.

But Southeast Queens’ Black voters are hardly a monolith – there are some generational divisions among them. That shows up most prominently in issues concerning housing, as many families in the area that own their homes have had those homes for more than one generation. As a result, in places like Laurelton, Queens Village and Springfield Gardens – where homeownership is particularly high – policies that appeal to YIMBY crowds typically do not do so well. Gov. Kathy Hochul’s attempt to spur transit-oriented development in 2023, for example, was unpopular. Nor were they particularly warm on Mayor Adams’ City of Yes housing proposal, largely because of concern surrounding accessory dwelling units in flood-prone Southeast Queens. There is less of that NIMBYism in downtown Jamaica, where more people are renters and rely on public transportation.

A voting bloc on the rise is the area’s South Asian voters, many of whom are concentrated along Hillside Avenue, which forms the faction’s northern border. Because the borough’s various South Asian enclaves have been divided across various jurisdictions for some time, their power has been somewhat weakened. But Chowdhury says that’s only part of it. “It’s different constituencies, and … a lot of the South Asian and Indo-Caribbean communities, they’re not political,” he said. “They’re not in touch with the local Democratic Party. And the politics there, their political decisions are very much driven by their apathy at the moment. So it’s reactionary.”

The Red Sea

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Emblematic leaders: New York City Council Member Vickie Paladino

Neighborhoods: Whitestone, College Point, Bayside

Centers of power: Whitestone Republican Club

Key events: Paladino’s narrow City Council win over Tony Avella in 2021, former Rep. George Santos’ scandals hurt some of the right’s momentum

Trending direction: Leaning right

Nuance that often gets missed: This area was in play just two years ago.

It may feel like eons ago, but it’s sometimes a little hard to believe that the 2021 City Council District 19 race was decided by some 400 votes, with now-Council Member Vickie Paladino coming out on top. At the time, it was an upset. Ever the firebrand, Paladino was a sharp contrast to former state Sen. Tony Avella, a longtime elected official in the area. But it became clear Paladino was widely liked among her constituents when she defeated Avella a second time in 2023 – by 20 points. But it wasn’t simply a rejection of Avella; in the 2024 presidential election, this area went solidly for Trump.

But remember: Paladino’s seat was previously held by the late former Council Member Paul Vallone, a moderate Democrat known for working across the aisle and who was part of a Queens political dynasty. And though the area did vote for now-former Rep. George Santos, it does have the moderate Democratic Rep. Tom Suozzi in its corner now. So it’s not exactly full-blown MAGA, but it’s not not MAGA either. Still, the area is predominantly white, many of whom are middle class, one where public safety is the biggest issue around. It is, after all, home to the NYPD Police Academy. There is a sizable Korean population here too. It’s also car country and largely suburban (congestion pricing and bike lane fanatics, beware.)

Lavender Haze

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Emblematic leaders: Assembly Member David Weprin, Rep. Grace Meng, state Sen. John Liu, Assembly Member Ed Braunstein, New York City Council Member Linda Lee

Neighborhoods: Flushing, Fresh Meadows, Oakland Gardens, Jamaica Estates, Glen Oaks, Little Neck, Douglaston, Kew Gardens Hills, Bay Terrace

Centers of power: Queens Democratic Party, Hillcrest Jewish Center, Queens Civic Congress, Presidents Co-ops and Condos Council, Queens Community Board 7, MinKwon Center for Community Action, Flushing BID

Key events: Creedmoor Psychiatric Center opens as a migrant shelter in August 2023, Rep. Tom Suozzi wins the 3rd Congressional District special election in February 2024

Trending direction: Remains pure purple

Nuance that often gets missed: Quality-of-life issues are a big tent.

Democratic strategist Trip Yang calls this part of the borough “battleground Queens.” That’s because of a concentration of several voting blocs that have been somewhat moderate or are swing voters: East Asians, Jewish voters and a growing group of South Asian voters. East Asian voters in particular make up a significant portion of this area, and it is well documented that they as a group are moving toward the right. But as Yang noted, they are less likely – Chinese voters in particular – to vote according to party, and instead focus on the issues, especially public safety and education. Though that’s true for East Asian voters throughout the city, with northeastern Queens having some of the strongest public schools in the borough, and arguably the city, issues surrounding education, like Gifted and Talented Programs, the Specialized High School Admissions Test and class sizes, are hot-button issues here. But identity politics also play a role here.

Among East Asian voters in Flushing and for Jewish voters, especially Orthodox Jews in Kew Gardens Hills and Flushing, concerns about public safety are focused on hate crimes. The New York City Police Department's 111th Precinct, which covers Bayside, Little Neck and Douglaston, has historically been one of the city’s safest – yet public safety continues to be a top issue here, in part because this wealthier, generally whiter area is concerned with quality-of-life issues. Much of the widespread opposition to City of Yes, accessory dwelling units and transit-oriented development in this part of Queens stems from concerns about disrupting the suburban lifestyle many enjoy there. Council Member Linda Lee once said ADUs were “like a trigger word here in Eastern Queens.” And opposition to Local Law 97 among area co-op shareholders and condo owners is more about affordability woes than being climate change deniers.

Though Orthodox Jewish voters are certainly swing voters, further north in Bay Terrace and Bayside, reform Jews have continued to vote for Democrats, generally more moderate ones like Assembly Member Ed Braunstein and state Sen. Toby Ann Stavisky. Meanwhile, the area as a whole has trended further right toward the top of the ticket, with Trump surging in the area in 2024 and Gov. Kathy Hochul being outperformed down-ballot in 2022, and in some places, like Downtown Flushing, losing to then-Rep. Lee Zeldin.

Hometown Heroes

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Emblematic leaders: State Sen. Joseph Addabbo Jr., Assembly Member Stacey Pheffer Amato, New York City Council Minority Leader Joann Ariola, Assembly Member Jenifer Rajkumar

Neighborhoods: Howard Beach, South Ozone Park, the Rockaways, Woodhaven, South Richmond Hill

Centers of power: Queens Republican Party, Queens Community Boards 9 and 10, Howard Beach Lindenwood Civic, Resorts World New York City

Key events: Former New York City Department of Buildings Commissioner Eric Ulrich’s resignation in 2022 amid corruption allegations damaged a key Republican leader for the area, Pheffer Amato’s narrow 2022 Assembly general election win after a recount, Ariola’s chaotic election as City Council minority leader

Trending direction: Leaning red

Nuances that often get missed: Just because they elect some Democrats doesn’t mean they aren’t conservative.

State Sen. Joseph Addabbo Jr. may be something of a backbencher in Albany, but you wouldn’t know it from talking to people in his neck of the woods – there, he’s practically a celebrity. In looking at Addabbo’s margin of victory in recent elections alone, one might assume this area is solidly Democratic; in 2024, he was reelected with more than 75% of the vote. The faction is perhaps more holistically reflected in the results of the 2024 presidential election; Addabbo’s district voted for Vice President Kamala Harris 50.6% to 47.6% for President Donald Trump. And Assembly Member Stacey Pheffer Amato has narrowly won reelection over Republican Tom Sullivan twice in a row, the first time only after a court-ordered recount.

But most of Howard Beach went squarely for Trump, and his margin of victory in several election districts only increases heading further south. Southern Queens has long been a stronghold for the Queens GOP and its operatives. Prior to being elected, New York City Council Member Joann Ariola was president of the county party, and she still has significant influence over it. She was also previously at the helm of the Howard Beach Lindenwood Civic, which did extend some of the party’s local reach, and still does – Ariola’s chief of staff, Phyllis Inserillo, is the current co-president.

The coastal faction has its fair share of cops and firefighters too, who generally lean more to the right. Public safety and crime are key issues. Though the area is largely white – many of whom are Italian and Irish – South Ozone Park and South Richmond Hill have significant South Asian and Indo-Carribean enclaves.

The United Nations

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Emblematic leaders: State Sen. Jessica Ramos, Assembly Member Jessica González-Rojas and former Assembly Member Jeffrion Aubry

Neighborhoods: Jackson Heights, Corona, East Elmhurst

Centers of power: Elmcor Youth & Adult Activities, LeFrak City, New York Working Families Party

Key events: Ramos continues to block Mets owner Steve Cohen’s casino plan near Citi Field, Aubry’s retirement at the end of 2024, Hiram Monserrate expulsion from the state Senate in 2010 following a misdemeanor assault conviction

Trending direction: Honestly, great question.

Nuances that often get missed: Just because there is no central power mechanism here does not mean the faction is up for grabs.

This area is fairly emblematic of the borough – at least in the sense that it’s home to people of a large variety of racial and ethnic backgrounds. Within this area, there may only be a few blocks between different enclaves, be they Nepalese, Colombian, Korean or Filipino, just to name a few. But the diverse nature of the area combined with it being dense and urban sometimes means that there isn’t much of a cohesive apex of power. “Western Queens overall, compared to other areas, it’s way more decentralized,” Noh said. “There is kind of this through line that says that there’s kind of an ideological divide – but it’s not always true.”

Political consultant Ryan Adams agreed. “As you move eastward through Jackson Heights, Elmhurst and Corona, there isn’t a cohesive organizing structure – there’s no single group or common political through line uniting these communities beyond geography. Because of that, some assume the area is politically up for grabs, but making real inroads requires genuine work within each community,” he said. “I often hear people say that introducing a machine – like DSA’s organizing model – will allow them to take over, but that overlooks the histories and realities of these neighborhoods. In places like Woodside and Jackson Heights, you can’t just show up and say, ‘You know what this neighborhood needs? More socialism,’ and expect to be welcomed as a hero. The political dynamics are far more complex than that. You have to be real.”

Case in point: state Sen. Jessica Ramos and Assembly Member Jessica González-Rojas. Both are progressive, but neither are affiliated with the DSA.

As a result, there is generally more of a centralization of power in individual communities, centered around institutions like houses of worship, community centers or housing developments, like LeFrak City.

There is some unity in there being many immigrants in the area, though. As Noh put it, the issues faced by Irish immigrants are the same ones Korean immigrants in the area faced in the ’80s and ’90s, and so on. “These are all folks who are recent immigrants starting life from scratch and working sometimes middle-class jobs really just trying to provide for their families, ” Noh said. “They're tabletop issues that kind of affect everybody, but to be able to not just listen to them, but to empathize and to understand that, ‘Hey, this new immigrant group is not quite different from the one that my parents and I belong to.’” That ability to meet constituents where they are is why electeds like Ramos, González-Rojas and, previously, then-Assembly Member Jeffrion Aubry, have had success.