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How Hudson Valley politics has changed over the past 20 years

John Celock — Tue, 06 Oct 2026 05:00:00 -0400

Sean Patrick Maloney sees the Hudson Valley as a microcosm of American politics, in particular the purple nature of his old congressional district and the region. Maloney represented the Lower Hudson Valley in Congress for a decade before his 2022 loss to Republican Mike Lawler. This came at the same time that Maloney chaired the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee. Maloney now serves as the president and CEO of the Coalition for Prediction Markets and during the Biden administration was the U.S. ambassador to the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development. He talked to City & State about the changing face of Hudson Valley politics over the past 20 years. This interview has been edited for length and clarity.

How has politics in the Hudson Valley changed in the past 20 years?

I would say the evaporation of local media and therefore the coverage gap that officeholders feel in communicating with the public. So when you are in the shadow of the New York City media market, it’s very hard to get those outlets to cover what you’re doing, and before, you would rely on venerable newspapers like the Times Herald-Record, the Poughkeepsie Journal, The Journal News, and they have all suffered massive budget cuts and a corresponding reduction in resources they can devote to local stories, so you end up getting some Gannett product with the local sports scores, a fire report and a bunch of national stories. So I'd say communicating with your constituents has become very difficult because (the) Hudson Valley (is) next to a massive media market.

When I ran for office, you better bring your A game to the editorial board meetings of the Times Herald-Record, the Poughkeepsie Journal and The Journal News. I'm not even sure they do them anymore, and they used to all hold debates, often widely publicized or televised. I’m not sure those are held anymore. I think this tracks a national phenomenon of local media being hollowed out because of online sources and because (of) the way that we consume news. It presents a real challenge.

Some of my colleagues who represent smaller media markets, I mean if you pin a merit badge on a Boy Scout in Syracuse, you’d probably get all three major networks covering your event. You know, I could light myself on fire in the Hudson Valley and the network affiliates wouldn’t cover it, because they have more than enough to do in the city.

So you either rely on paid media, in the context of a campaign, but of course, that’s a very specific kind of communication. We would resort to scalable town halls by telephone because you could reach thousands of people in a cost-effective way, And that could be an official communication, a substantive communication. We did 200 town halls, but these were all efforts to communicate.

But the fact is that without dedicated local coverage at local newspapers and local outlets, it’s really changed how people receive news and whether they know anything about what their local representative is doing.

It’s true though. I mean like THR was great, used to be 4 inches thick on a Sunday. You know, it’s a big-ass newspaper. I’m not even sure what it looks like today, but it’s probably like some thin Gannett product. And you know what they do? They give you a bunch of AP stories, a bunch of wire service stuff and that’s fine. And maybe they’ve thrown in some local sports scores, but there’s no reporters on the beat locally. I mean, there’s a couple, you know Chris McKenna’s still up there, I’m sure doing the hard work of freedom. But like John Penney at The Journal News, I used to know all these guys. They would come to my events. We would do press conferences and they’d write stories about what was going on at the local infrastructure project or the issue with the VA hospital locally, or things that were important to the community that might have you know relevance to whether the officeholder was doing their job or not.

But we’re still doing something today. I mean, I think the difference is that the tension in the media landscape has completely changed the way politicians do their jobs, and it’s not for the better.

As a former chair of the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee, how do you view the midterm elections this year?

I think it will be a disguised wave, meaning you will get a very powerful Democratic turnout that is not as impactful as it should be in the House because of the structural changes, meaning through redistricting and hollowing out the Voting Rights Act. So, what was 42 seats in 2018 during Trump’s first midterm will be probably half of that this year with a similar behavior by the voters. That’s not good for democracy. And we’ll see the wave effect more prominently in local races and in statewide races like the U.S. Senate, for example. But I think the Democrats have a structural ceiling in the House of about 225 to 230, and that is man-made.

How do you think House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries has reacted to the redistricting wars with Democratic-led redistricting in blue states?

I think he’s doing the very best job he can in a really difficult moment with a lawless administration and tremendous discontent in his own party. I mean, the guy is a masterful listener, a consensus builder, and those qualities are more important than ever, though they are a thankless business model, because that’s not what the media demands.

But he’s doing the hard work of building consensus in the Democratic caucus, which will allow them to govern with a slim majority. I think his work is deeply underappreciated, but it will prove enormously valuable when he can deliver the votes because he has a unified caucus as speaker.

Some Democrats running for the House and U.S. Senate have suggested replacing Jeffries and U.S. Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer next year. What are your thoughts?

I think Hakeem is underappreciated, and it would be a huge mistake not to use his skill set in the new Congress. I also think it’s very unlikely that he won’t be the next speaker. I’d be shocked.

He’s a consensus builder, and that’s exactly what you need with a narrow majority to get things done. Over time, I think both the party and the country will really come to appreciate his skills, which are extraordinary. I think Chuck Schumer has a lot to be very proud of. I think he’s going to have a challenge, and he knows that, remaining as the leader in the new Senate because of desire to turn the page, but I wouldn’t count him out either.

How do you see the race in your old district between Republican Rep. Mike Lawler and Democrat Cait Conley shaping up, in particular with split-ticket voting in 2024 with Lawler and former Vice President Kamala Harris both winning the district?

I think that shows you the challenge Mike Lawler has. He is going to lose this year because, despite pulling out all the stops and using every trick in the book, he is wrapped around the axle of the Trump record, particularly on the war in Iran and the cuts to local healthcare. And the voters know it. My guess is he will outperform other Republican candidates, but it won’t be enough. His opponent, Cait Conley, is running a great race, and I think she goes to Congress next year.

Do you see the Hudson Valley and your district remaining as competitive as it has been the past few years, no matter who wins?

Yeah. Barring a redistricting, I think the area will remain very competitive. Yes, and I think you’re seeing some real shifts in the way the voters behave in Rockland County that are very different than in Westchester County. So it’s no accident that Lawler has been able to win and hold that seat because it’s a truly competitive district, in a world without many of them.

What are some of your biggest accomplishments while you served in office?

Apart from the work we did to protect the Hudson River, particularly from oil barge anchorages, I’m proud of our work with veterans in the Hudson Valley. At the end of the day, the things that are most meaningful to me are the individuals who still come up to me and say, “You know, you helped save my dad’s house, or that you were there for us when we couldn’t get those disability benefits from the VA.” Those are the things that matter when you meet people you actually helped, and I’m proud of that. (I’m) also proud of being an honest public servant. You know, I didn’t take a dime that I didn’t deserve. And I worked with everybody regardless of political party, and I’m proud of that.

Where do you see Hudson Valley politics going in the next 20 years?

Well, I think it remains a competitive district that in many ways reflects the country as a whole. If you look at the demographics between Hudson Valley and the rest of the country, both in terms of the urban-rural landscape and the demographics, it’s a bellwether that way. I would look to it to tell you what’s going on in America more generally.

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“Our enemy of our enemy is still our enemy”: Seneca Nation members protest tribal president’s Blakeman fundraiser

Petala Ironcloud — Tue, 06 Oct 2026 05:00:00 -0400

On Monday, outgoing Seneca Nation President JC Seneca hosted a fundraiser for Republican gubernatorial candidate Bruce Blakeman at the Seneca Niagara Resort and Casino. About a dozen Seneca Nation members, including former Seneca Nation President Mike Schimler, protested on the sidewalk outside after casino security barred them from the property.

The protest was organized by Mothers of the Seneca Nation, or Clan Mothers, whose role as leaders of the Haudenosaunee Confederacy was formalized in the 1848 Seneca constitution. The group was re-established in 2022 after the Seneca Nation’s then-president Matthew Pagels announced a settlement agreement with New York state over gaming payments in a late-night Facebook post that blindsided tribal citizens.

Leslie Logan, a member of Mothers of the Seneca Nation and a tribal citizen running for a Cattaraugus Council seat, said she was outraged by JC Seneca’s actions in his last 30 days in office and was direct about Blakeman: “He’s our enemy of our enemy, is still our enemy.”

Protesters held a number of signs, including one that asked: “Whose side are you on, JC? Are you a Trumper?” Another: “The Seneca People DO NOT support JC’s personal love for Blakeman.”

In a media advisory sent to reporters, Logan criticized JC Seneca’s “rogue support” for Blakeman, a candidate “whose positions and potential actions in office run counter to core Seneca values.” Logan and other Seneca Nation members are critical of Blakeman’s pledge to lift the state’s fracking ban, his opposition to a data center moratorium and his support for allowing public schools to make use of Native mascots and imagery.

Their biggest concern is Blakeman’s position on online gambling. “(Blakeman) defends the prediction markets, which Native leaders throughout Indian Country have called an ‘existential threat’ to tribal gaming,” Logan wrote in the advisory. One protestor’s sign put it even more bluntly: “JC, do you know that Blakeman is for Prediction Markets? He’ll be the end of us!”

In her media advisory criticizing Blakeman, Logan invoked the Two Row Wampum – a wampum belt created in 1613 between the Haudenosaunee and Dutch traders in what is now upstate New York. Logan said the symbolism was quite literal for her: the earrings she wore to Monday’s protest depicted the Two Row Wampum itself. “The Two Row Wampum signifies that we each stay in our own boat and don’t meddle in the affairs of the other,” she said. “For JC to insert himself in the politicians and campaign of NYS is in violation of the precepts of the Two Row Wampum.”

Logan has pushed back on JC Seneca’s characterization of the group before. He called the Seneca people “the Mob” at a Council session in recent months, Logan said, after she and others defeated one of his resolutions. “We are not ‘The Mob’ as Outgoing president JC has called us,” she wrote in a Facebook post earlier this week. “We are concerned, involved, civic-minded Seneca citizens who believe the Seneca People play the most critical role in our governance.” Since then, Logan said, the label has become something closer to a rallying cry: “The Mothers wear it like a badge of honor.” The group is considering making T-shirts that read: “I’m the Mob.”

JC Seneca was elected president of the Seneca Nation in 2024 and his two-year term will end on Nov. 3. Since Seneca Nation rules bar consecutive terms, he was unable to run for reelection this year. “What do you have to gain from this? Because in 30 days you won’t be in office,” Logan said. “It’s over for JC.”

JC Seneca endorsed outgoing treasurer Odie Porter to succeed him as president. But the powerful Seneca Party, the only organized political party within the 8,600-member Seneca Nation, saw Tina Abrams defeat Porter in its caucus, effectively the Nation’s real election. With no opposition possible under Seneca Party rules, Abrams is set to become the first woman to serve as president of the Seneca Nation when she is sworn in following the Nov. 3 general election.

Braiden McElhaney, a Seneca Nation member and Erie County Democratic Committee representative, did not attend the protest but said in a public statement that while he continues to support President Seneca “when he is defending our sovereignty,” he “wholeheartedly disagree[s] with President JC Seneca engaging in partisan campaigning.”

The Seneca Nation’s opposition to Blakeman shouldn’t necessarily be taken as support for Gov. Kathy Hochul, though.

Logan’s distrust of Blakeman is matched by a longstanding distrust of Hochul. In 2022, during a standoff over gaming revenue payments tied to the Seneca Nation’s compact with the state, Hochul froze the Seneca Nation’s bank accounts. Logan said the move threatened the Nation’s ability to make payroll for 3,600 employees, forcing the Nation’s corporation to pay under pressure. “It was like a ransom note, right? And we paid,” Logan said.

Last year, JC Seneca attempted to repair relations with Hochul by inviting her to Seneca territory to apologize for the state’s operation of the Thomas Indian School, which separated multiple generations of Seneca children from their families. Logan said tribal citizens packed a council meeting to object before the visit, and many stayed away from the apology itself. “People didn’t go because people didn’t support it,” she said.

The Seneca Nation’s compact with the state expired earlier this year, and the Nation and Hochul have not yet reached a new one. JC Seneca said this week that the two sides have an “agreement in principle,” but Logan disputes that. “So he does not have an agreement in principle,” she said, adding that Seneca will be out of office before any deal could be finalized. “Tomorrow it’s 29 (days until his term ends). We’re doing the countdown.”

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Editor’s note: Newcomers versus oldheads

Jeff Coltin — Tue, 06 Oct 2026 05:00:00 -0400

Andrew Yang really annoyed me. Here was a guy who hadn’t engaged with New York City politics whatsoever until he decided to run for mayor in 2021. He surged in the polls, then faded and finished in fourth place.

And that was the last we ever saw of Andrew Yang in local politics.

He may be doing some good things now – I wholeheartedly support his advocacy for phone-free parties – but he’s not doing them at City Hall.

I was thinking of Yang while reading Kate Lisa’s great cover story about the 17th Congressional District matchup between Rep. Mike Lawler and Cait Conley.

Conley and the Democratic Party have the wind in their sails in the Lower Hudson Valley. Republicans are freaking out that President Donald Trump’s unpopularity will doom the party in swing seats, and the numbers suggest Lawler could get creamed.

But if Lawler has a real shot to hold on, it’s because he is deep in New York politics. He interned with the state GOP, worked on campaigns, worked in government, worked as a lobbyist. If Lawler ever got lost in the strange corridors of the state Capitol, it was a very long time ago. He knows his way around.

Conley, by contrast, has a great résumé serving in the Army and the Biden administration. But she’s new to the district, and she’s new to local politics.

Sometimes, fresh eyes are a benefit. Most New Yorkers – though not all – would say the outsider Mike Bloomberg was a better mayor than the experienced Eric Adams. It’ll be up to voters to decide in November.

But if Lawler somehow pulls it off, I’ll be thinking about just how long he’s been reading City & State.

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Leading AI companies fail to impress at City Council AI hearing

Annie McDonough — Mon, 05 Oct 2026 18:00:47 -0400

The race for the frontier of artificial intelligence may end in human extinction. Or it may just need some friendly guardrails.

It depends on which of 14 panels you caught at Monday’s marathon City Council hearing on AI safety.

The bulk of the hearing, still carrying on – and apparently long from over – at the time of publication, was taken up by the testimony of four leading AI companies developing what’s known as frontier AI. That includes Google, Meta, Anthropic and OpenAI. (The City Council is taking legal action to enforce a subpoena that Elon Musk’s SpaceXAI ignored.)

New York City Council Speaker Julie Menin, a former regulatory lawyer who questioned representatives of those companies like opposing counsel on Monday, suggested she learned more from what those representatives didn’t say than from anything they did.

“I think it’s disappointing that they can’t seem to answer some of the most basic, rudimentary questions,” Menin told City & State around hour four of the hearing.

A handful of other council members said they didn’t learn anything new at all.

When Menin asked the four companies’ representatives to quantify the risk posed by AI in the “worst-case, catastrophic scenario,” none of the largely policy-oriented representatives offered an answer.

“I don’t know,” said Morgan Dwyer, head of policy development and operations at OpenAI. “I also don’t think it matters whether it’s 1% or 10% or 20% chance of something catastrophic or wrong. None of these levels is remotely acceptable.”

“To say you don’t know and it doesn't matter is flippant at best,” Menin retorted, drawing chuckles from a crowd of what seemed to be mostly AI critics and safety advocates.

When Menin asked whether the companies would release models that fail internal or third-party tests, the companies spoke about their internal reviews and commitment to safety, but didn’t answer the specific questions. “I think it would be far clearer if we could get clear yeses or no’s,” Menin said. “I am going to take what each of you said as an equivocation.”

If the companies’ answers didn’t prove illuminating, they still gave Menin and the rest of the council a chance to shine as a legislative body doing something about the ubiquity and risks of AI, as federal action remains out of reach.

The companies’ testimony, lasting several hours, also rang in stark contrast to the first panel of the day. On that panel, former researchers-turned-whistleblowers at those leading companies warned that such catastrophic events aren’t unlikely at all, and that the companies are acting recklessly in pushing the frontier of AI forward without guardrails.

Jacob Coxon, a former Anthropic researcher whose dire warnings captured international attention last month, said AI could make huge improvements in science and make people’s lives better. “But on the current path, I think it is more likely than not that humanity loses control of these AIs and it could end in human extinction,” he said.

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Lucas claims leadership of BK Dems – in apparent violation of court order

Sahalie Donaldson — Mon, 05 Oct 2026 17:55:52 -0400

As if the fight to lead the Brooklyn Democratic Party couldn’t become more complex, Assembly Member Rodneyse Bichotte Hermelyn and allies held a virtual meeting late Sunday night – in apparent violation of a court order – where they voted to make Assembly Member Nikki Lucas, her handpicked successor, chair of the party.

Now a judge has scheduled a hearing to weigh whether to hold Bichotte Hermelyn in contempt of court – while the reform faction is arguing that Rep. Nydia Velázquez is actually in control of the party.

The late Sunday meeting was just the latest effort by the party’s increasingly desperate outgoing leader, Bichotte Hermelyn, to block the reformers and their choice for leader, Julio Peña III, from taking over the county organization. But the meeting appeared to be held in violation of multiple court orders, spurring a fresh wave of questions about the party’s future. Not only did Bichotte Hermelyn barrel forward with the vote despite the temporary injunction halting it ordered by a state supreme court judge last week, but she and allies proceeded as if the new rules adding new members to the party’s executive committee were still in place, despite a Brooklyn Supreme Court and an appeals court ruling that they were illegal.

During the 10 p.m. meeting, Lucas only got the votes of 13 of the 42 district leaders who’d been elected in the June primary – well shy of the majority she’d need to take the helm of the Brooklyn Democratic Party. But since she also got 21 votes from the expanded executive committee’s 26 new members, Bichotte Hermelyn and allies claimed this constituted victory. So did Lucas.

“I am deeply honored by the vote of confidence from my fellow District Leaders and our Executive Committee,” Lucas said in a statement shared by the party on Monday. “This is bigger than any one person, any one group or any one election. Brooklyn is strongest when we work together, and I am committed to building a party where people feel welcomed, respected and empowered to participate.”

Just four district leaders attended the 10 p.m. meeting, which attendees were informed about Sunday morning. The rest of Lucas’ votes came from proxies.

Lawyers for the coalition of reformer district leaders seeking to elect Peña as party leader filed paperwork Monday morning requesting a judge to hold Bichotte Hermelyn and others who participated in the Sunday night vote in contempt of court. That was just the latest in a flurry of legal filings over the last nearly two months.

“Back to court again. So, so, dumb,” Mark Hanna, a district leader and lawyer for the reformers, told City & State. While Peña and the rest of the district leaders in the reform coalition skipped the meeting not wanting to legitimize it or violate the stay, Hanna attended so he could observe proceedings.

Ahead of the meeting, he’d sent a letter and a cease and desist to prospective attendees claiming that anyone who participated in the vote would be violating the temporary restraining order, that was put in place on Sept. 29 in order to hold off any vote. Hanna argued that holding the meeting opened up participants to civil penalties.

Screenshots shared by Hanna show that his message again warning of this in the meeting’s chat was promptly deleted by organizers.

Bichotte Hermelyn did not respond to a request for comment.

Reformers and Bichotte Hermelyn and her allies have been battling for months – ever since the former’s coalition won enough seats in the June primary to give them a majority on the party’s executive committee. Concerned that the reformers would vote her out of power, Bichotte Hermelyn convened a vote that included outgoing district leaders to approve rules adding dozens of new members to the executive committee. Reformers sued, ultimately winning in both the lower and appeals court.

It’s been a chaotic, complex, seemingly endless saga. In another recent twist, the reformer ally and retiring Congress member Velázquez was elevated to chair of the party’s county committee after outgoing party leadership neglected to put their own candidate on the ballot. In a ruling late last week, a Supreme Court judge ruled that Bichotte Hermelyn’s term had ended and that Velázquez was now the party’s reigning authority in the interim.

Both sides of the Brooklyn Democratic Party are slated to return to court Tuesday morning. Should the judge lift the temporary injunction, reformers contend that Velázquez would then have the authority to call a vote for chair.

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What to know about New York’s rape laws

Kate Lisa — Mon, 05 Oct 2026 13:57:18 -0400

National outrage over an alleged gang rape at Cornell University in 2024 has put changing New York’s sexual assault consent laws at the forefront of state leaders' minds. An anonymous former Cornell student, known as Jane Doe, filed a civil case last month alleging she was sexually assaulted for hours by seven men at a fraternity house after drinking and knowingly doing drugs. What’s known as the “voluntary intoxication loophole” makes it extremely difficult to prosecute sex crimes when the victim had chosen to become intoxicated when it took place.

Tompkins County District Attorney’s Office prosecutors declined to bring charges against the young men two years ago. DA Matthew Van Houten didn’t cite the loophole as the specific reason why, but seemed to allude to it as part of his explanation. A bill to close that loophole and bar the defense from using a victim’s choice to be intoxicated against them has not cleared the state Legislature for seven years.

But the inaction – both in Albany and the prosecution – has ignited renewed political pressure to do something. Gov. Kathy Hochul has already agreed, and Assembly members appointed to a special task force by Speaker Carl Heastie are set to meet in the coming weeks to make legislative recommendations.

Here’s what you need to know about the state’s rape laws as they take center stage in criminal justice talks.

HOW HAVE NEW YORK’S RAPE LAWS CHANGED?

Rape laws have changed significantly in the Empire State over the last five decades. In the 2000s, the state repealed the statute of limitations on rape, and made sex trafficking a crime. State lawmakers revisted rape laws more recently, and updated the definition of rape in 2024 to include all forms of nonconsensual forced penetration as separate criminal acts.

But until the corroboration requirement was eliminated in the ’70s, a woman’s testimony alone didn't cut it for sufficient evidence if she was the victim of a rape. It did for robbery, but not sexual assault. And it wasn't considered rape unless the victim fought back, even if it was a violent attack.

The state legally recognized marital rape after a landmark state court decision, People v. Liberta, in 1984. The Sexual Assault Reform Act of 2000 modernized the state’s sex crime statutes, and significantly changed how the legal system evaluated a “lack of consent.” The law contained a “No Means No” provision that says someone can be charged with third-degree rape if they forcibly have sex with someone who clearly expresses lack of consent.

More recently, Hochul signed the Rape is Rape Act at the start of 2024 to expand the legal definition of rape to cover nonpenetrative foreced sexual acts that didn’t previously fall under that definition. The Assembly passed it a dozen times before the state Senate finally approved it and sent it to Hochul’s desk in 2023.

WHAT DO THE LAWS SAY NOW?

Crimes of first-, second- and third-degree rape in the state are determined by three main factors: the presence of physical violence or helplessness, the age of the individuals involved and the victim's capacity to legally consent. Crimes of first-degree rape include forcible compulsion, or the force, or threat of force to overcome someone's lack of consent, or if the victim is less than 11 years old or less than 13 years old and the abuser is 18 or older.

First-degree rape is a class B violent felony with a sentence of five to 25 years. Second-degree rape, which carry a penalty of two to seven years, applies if the perpetrator is 18 or older with a victim under 15, or having sex with a person who is incapable of consent because they are mentally disabled or mentally incapacitated. That definition is the voluntary intoxication loophole advocates are pushing legislative leaders to amend.

As it stands, the definition of “mentally incapacitated” means a person cannot control their conduct because of a narcotic or intoxicating substance administered without consent, or because they were drugged involuntarily, like with a spiked drink. To prove first-degree rape under current law, prosecutors must have evidence the victim was either unconscious or so close to unconscious that they could not speak – and that can be nearly impossible. As it stands, the current law doesn't protect someone who can’t stand up, or someone is able to speak even if what they’re saying doesn’t make sense. If a person cannot prove they were fully unconscious, the mentally incapacitated statute is all a victim has been able to lean on for justice.

“I see cases all the time where this is the conundrum, (where) she was so far gone that she only has partial memory, but she can't prove that she was unconscious or incapable of speech,” said Jane Manning, director of nonprofit Women's Equal Justice. “That’s the heart of the problem.”

WHAT WOULD THE EXISTING BILL TO CLOSE THE ‘VOLUNTARY INTOXICATION’ LOOPHOLE DO?

Existing legislation to close the voluntary intoxication loophole would make nonconsensual sex with an incapacitated person a third-degree rape, class E felony. It would expand circumstances where prosecutors could apply the charge when a perpetrator knew, or reasonably should have known, that a victim was too intoxicated to legally consent to sexual intercourse.

In other words, if the current version becomes law, it would become a crime to have sex with a semi-conscious person who is unable to consent, or was so heavily under the influence of drugs or alcohol that they cannot control their conduct, and eliminate the loophole at the center of the debate sparked by the Cornell case. But it’s important to note that the legislation does not make it illegal to have sex under the influence of alcohol, and does not propose making any level of voluntary intoxication mean that a person cannot give consent. It also does not establish a baseline level of voluntary drinking that automatically would make a person incapable of consent.

WHAT DOES THE OPPOSITION SAY ABOUT THE BILL?

The Cornell case has renewed interest in addressing the issue, but critics argue the bill may not have led to a different outcome from the Tompkins County DA. That’s a question state Attorney General Letitia James’ office will answer in the coming months, as Hochul appointed James as a special prosecutor in the case.

The State Association of Criminal Defense Lawyers has routinely opposed the bill, arguing the legal definition of “mentally incapacitated” is too vague, and should mandate outward physical signs of incapacitation for a person to be able to reasonably discern impairment.

Yung-Mi Lee, the association’s former president, said convicting a person of rape requires criminal intent. The action of slipping drugs into someone’s drink, for example, shows clear intent to commit a crime. She also told City & State it would be problematic for the definition of rape to include a person who’s temporarily incapacitated.

The state Senate has unanimously passed multiple versions of the measure over the years, but the bill has routinely stalled in the Assembly, and that isn’t by accident. Some Assembly members have been wary that such a change could increase false allegations and convictions, which already disproportionately impact people of color and people living in poverty.

WHAT OTHER RAPE LAWS COULD BE ON THE TABLE?

While the voluntary intoxication bill is the top priority for lawmakers, that won't be the only rape laws on their docket. Others could include another longstanding push to allow prosecutors to use a person’s prior uncharged sexual offenses during as evidence in a separate sexual assault trial – known as the Harvey Weinstein bill, and legislation to remove the statute of limitations on certain sex trafficking crimes.

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Mike Lawler might be the only Republican who could win NY-17. Can he do it again?

Kate Lisa — Mon, 05 Oct 2026 05:00:00 -0400

Archie Kyriacou has never voted in his life, and he’s never wanted to – not for president, and certainly not for Congress.

This time last year, the 50-year-old who owns the Stony Point Family Diner spoke out about safety concerns caused by road closures related to construction of the 339-mile Champlain Hudson Power Express transmission line designed to deliver hydroelectric power from Canada to New York City created severe traffic bottlenecks and hazards that threatened local businesses in the conservative, blue-collar anchor of Rockland County.

Kyriacou called several area officials. Only Rep. Mike Lawler responded, and he arrived to assess the situation 12 hours later. The Republican member of Congress later secured a $1 million relief fund for businesses impacted by the project, which wrapped earlier this year. Kyriacou has yet to see that relief money – applications only just opened – but he’s sold: The lifelong nonvoter plans to cast his first-ever vote for Lawler, joining the lawmaker’s loyal army of moderates and conservatives in the Lower Hudson Valley – one Lawler had built even before he flipped the 17th Congressional District red in 2022.

“I don’t even know if I’m Democrat, I don’t know if I’m Republican, I’m not that guy, you understand?” Kyriacou said the day after City & State accompanied Lawler on a visit to the diner. “I know this guy Lawler shows up. … He showed up when nobody else cared and nobody else would.”

Lawler is certainly counting on that army to come through for him in November. The two-term member of Congress vying for a third is locked in a dead heat with Democrat Cait Conley in the battleground 17th Congressional District, which includes all of Putnam and Rockland counties and parts of Dutchess and Westchester counties. With a new Emerson College Polling/PIX11 News poll released Oct. 1 showing Conley leading Lawler 48%-46% and 7% undecided, the race is among the most closely watched toss-ups in the country, one of a handful that will determine control of the U.S. House of Representatives for the rest of President Donald Trump’s second term. Super PACs – including one funded by Elon Musk backing Lawler – are pouring in money on both sides. Home to many veterans and first responders and one of the largest Jewish populations of any congressional district in the country, the 17th District is famous for being politically fickle. Despite having about 78,000 more registered Democrats than Republicans, the district went for then-Vice President Kamala Harris 49.9%-49.3% over Trump in 2024. Joe Biden won the same district lines by 10 points in 2020.

Incumbency is always an advantage, but this time, a multitude of factors are giving Democratic candidates momentum – especially with independents. Economic concerns remain at the forefront of voters’ minds, Trump’s favorability is dwindling, gas prices continue to surge because of the unpopular war in Iran and the U.S. has stayed divided over how to fix its broken immigration system. That climate naturally gives Conley, a U.S. Army veteran who graduated from the United States Military Academy at West Point and the former director of counterterrorism for the National Security Council under Biden, an additional edge.

Still, this race is moreso Lawler’s to lose than it is Conley’s to win.

Rep. Mike Lawler visited the Stony Point Family Diner in September. Credit: Kate Lisa / City & State New York

As the political momentum in the upcoming midterms appears to be swinging left, Lawler is banking on his self-determining nature and tenacity to keep Conley at bay and hang on to the seat. But Conley is not the only thing standing in his way: There’s also the unpopular president. And Lawler has to balance how to have a healthy relationship with Trump while countering Democrats’ characterization that he’s in the president’s pocket. If he manages to show that his rapport with the president is an asset, Lawler could undercut Conley’s core argument.

Hometown hero

During Lawler’s stop at Kyriacou’s diner in September, a group of college-aged men came in for lunch. They quickly asked Lawler for a photo, eyes wide as if they’d seen a celebrity. Stony Point Supervisor Amy Stamm said that’s not unusual. When the lawmaker visited the town carnival this summer, she said, young children and senior citizens alike crowded around him asking for a picture.

Indeed, New Yorkers in politics have known Lawler, the Suffern-born lawmaker raised in an Italian-Irish Catholic household, for almost 20 years – ever since he was an intern with the state Republican Party who drove around Chair Ed Cox. His family has been in Rockland County for more than a century. And if he doesn’t know your name, chances are, he remembers your father, or his grandfather or uncle worked with yours. His local ties have long been a strength, and this year’s election shouldn’t be an exception.

For Lawler, speaking his mind has always come naturally; as he told City & State in 2023, “From the time I was born and started being able to speak, I have never shut up.” And it’s worked for him.

“Mike was one of those guys at 20 that, when he spoke, everybody listened,” said William F. B. O’Reilly, a conservative strategist who worked on Lawler’s first congressional campaign.

And since, from a stint running former Westchester County Executive Rob Astorino’s unsuccessful gubernatorial campaign to serving in the Assembly and Washington, D.C., Lawler has built a strong wall of support by cementing himself as a nuanced politician who’s unabashedly himself.

One former party leader granted anonymity to speak freely put it this way: “What does it take for a Republican to win in NY-17? You need to be Mike Lawler. There’s no other Republican in NY-17 that could win other than Mike Lawler, and that’s a fact I’ll take to my death bed.”

It’s therefore no accident Lawler has continuously noted Conley is not from the district. It’s what he says he tells undecided voters is the biggest difference between the two of them.

“She owns property in North Carolina and Virginia – she does not own property in New York,” Lawler told City & State during an hour-long interview. “So if you really are committed to this district, why didn’t you sell your home and invest in this community?” (Though Conley was born in the Hudson Valley – albeit outside the district – she only returned to the area from Virginia last year, and she’s quick to point out she spent the bulk of her time away in the Middle East.)

Lawler’s district is a toss-up every election, but with some souring on Trump’s handling of the economy, Democrats see a path to victory, and they’re hoping Conley is the answer.

Trouble in paradise

As much as Lawler has touted last year’s victory in the One Big Beautiful Bill Act with the increased state and local tax deduction – which allows 90% of 17th Congressional District residents to deduct the property and income taxes they pay to state and local governments from their federal tax returns – the spending bill’s cuts to Medicaid stands to hit parts of his district hard. The Center for American Progress has estimated the district would lose $2 billion for healthcare, and the Joint Economic Committee Minority estimates the bill would cause more than 32,000 17th District residents to lose their health insurance. And with higher food, utility and gas prices strapping families, independents and undecided voters are beginning to doubt the Republicans can fix it if they keep the House majority.

“Most people in the middle feel like this isn’t what they were promised,” Putnam County Democratic Committee Chair Jennifer Colamonico said. “He’s crafty and he’s a brilliant communicator, but there’s a sense that his days are numbered … that he’s overplaying his hand.”

The Parkside Group Vice President Alex Elmasri agreed. “(Voters are) going to look at the affordability crisis and ultimately say, ‘Am I going to give Lawler another chance to fix this?’” he said. “Or will they say, ‘His time’s up, we need new energy and new blood?’”

Cortlandt Manor resident Ron Zajick is in the latter camp. He and his wife Susan were among the hundreds who attended the Tarrytown rally for Conley featuring fellow veteran and former U.S. Department of Transportation Secretary Pete Buttigieg, where the air was dense with anger. A Republican, Zajick said he regrets voting for Trump three times and Lawler twice. He began thinking differently about the GOP after this year’s U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement-involved fatalities in Minneapolis. And the couple – who has two daughters on Medicaid, one of whom has special needs – is angry Lawler voted for the cuts. “He’s a liar – he’s a Trump clone,” Zajick said.

And even as Lawler is well-known locally, he and his staff have been the subject of a few negative headlines over the past term. Lawler held numerous raucous town halls throughout the district last year, and received even more pushback when constituents were removed from them. His Deputy District Director Erin Crowley, a Putnam County legislator, allegedly threatened to use top White House official Dan Scavino to pressure Putnam County Sheriff Brian Hess to reinstate her husband as his deputy. Three sources familiar with the situation told City & State that Lawler staffers berated Orthodox Jewish constituents who made irate social media posts about Lawler, pledging not to vote for him after walking miles to attend the Trump-Lawler rally in May, only to be denied entry (Lawler said he had no knowledge of any alleged staff actions). The lawmaker also took heat for defending Ohio Rep. Max Miller, who was accused of domestic violence, and refused to return a $10,000 campaign donation from Miller's PAC.

Conley is looking to seize the moment.

“He is not an effective legislator, he is an effective con artist,” she told City & State. “Lawler’s legacy is going to be that he got paid while we got screwed.”

Conley has never been a legislator herself, but has three Bronze Stars after six tours overseas. Her cybersecurity and foreign policy chops could carry a lot of weight in a district with a significant number of veterans and first responders.

“We don’t need more political operatives and lobbyists,” Conley said, giving a nod to Lawler’s background lobbying for a group aligned with utility companies. “Mike Lawler and the politicians who got this country in this mess we are in are not going to be the ones who get us out of it and make sure our best days are still ahead of us.”

But just like a successful marriage, a strong representative of a battleground district has to be good at the dance. And Lawler’s got moves. Party leaders and Lawler’s past Albany colleagues describe him as driven, smart and a master of political strategy. One former Albany colleague said Lawler has a natural grasp of polling and data envied by longtime lawmakers. “He’s a political animal,” they said.

The Trump card

As she offers voters a chance to reject the status quo, Conley won’t let them forget Lawler and Trump have a largely solid relationship.

That partnership is a frequent theme in Conley’s campaign ads. Buttigieg gave it a nod during the Sept. 16 rally. “I know that a lot of people believed the president when he said he was going to drain the swamp,” he said. “So how’s that going?”

Former U.S. Transportation Secretary Pete Buttigieg rallied with Democrat Cait Conley in Tarrytown on Sept. 16. Credit: Kate Lisa / City & State New York

Conley routinely calls out Lawler for “voting with Trump 100% of the time” – citing a VoteHub tool statistic showing how frequently members of Congress voted with the president in 2025. But that analysis doesn’t include every piece of legislation. Lawler voted in support of Trump’s agenda on 94% of recorded votes in 2025, according to an analysis by CQ Vote Watch, while VoteView determined Lawler’s party alignment score rose from 81% for 2023-2024 to 92% since 2025.

Conley argues Lawler’s repeated backing of the Iran war and the president’s controversial tariffs, which have increased costs for consumers, shows he’s fighting for special corporate interests and Trump – not Hudson Valley families.

But Conley and her opponents in the Democratic primary this spring were advised not to solely campaign on anti-Trump rhetoric. Even so, bucking the president and his agenda remain a central focus of Conley’s message as the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee spends big on the race with TV ads.

That plays right into Lawler’s strategy. As the Conley campaign attempts to paint him as Trump’s guy in New York, Lawler has been able to toe the line, rejecting that idea while instead marketing himself as one of the few Republicans who can go head-to-head with the party leader when necessary.

Lawler started his recent speech at the Republican Party’s first-ever midterm convention by making it clear that he and Trump do not agree on everything, and referred to his “very public fight” with the president over SALT. But then he pivoted to note his successful negotiating with Trump on the issue, throwing in his own impression of the president. And the impression – which Lawler has done before and, frankly, is a good one – is not only funny and disarming, and until recently, was not something many Republicans had the guts to do. But it works for him.

In other words: Lawler has been able to both distance himself from the president and show he can be a foil to Trump when needed, all while deploying his sense of humor in the process. And as long as Conley continues to hammer him for his alliance with Trump, Lawler will be able to keep making this argument.

Rep. Mike Lawler has had to walk a fine line this election season when it comes to his relationship with President Donald Trump. Credit: Roberto Schmidt / Getty Images

That’s not to say Conley is the only one demonizing a divisive political figure to score points. Lawler also invokes New York City Mayor Zohran Mamdani, a democratic socialist, when talking about the threat coming from the left. “I’m the only thing standing in the way of Zohran Mandani to Kathy Hochul and everything in between,” he said. “My ability is not just obviously to deal with federal issues, but also to push back on state issues and give a voice to folks in the center, and conservative Democrats and Republicans – I think that matters.”

But an indifferent Lawler also said he’s “probably” called Conley a socialist before – suggesting he knows the strategy won’t work particularly well with a moderate Democrat like her. And only about a week later, did Conley tell PIX11 she declined Mamdani’s help in her tight race. Still, that didn’t stop him from pushing her to denounce Mamdani during News12’s Sept. 28 debate (which she dodged each time).

Center stage

Cait Conley isn’t exactly who Mike Lawler pictured himself standing on a debate stage with a year ago. Hochul is more who he had in mind, as he had aspirations of running for governor and polled competitively against her.

But on Sept. 28, there Lawler was, debating Conley in News12’s Nyack studio. And its tenor was emblematic of how the race has been so far: ugly.

No matter the topic, Conley and Lawler came back to their chief attacks on each other. On the rare occasions when Conley didn’t revert back to saying Lawler “voted with Trump 100% of the time,” (often followed by a smiling, dismissive Lawler saying, “You keep saying that” and a collapse into heated back-and-forth) the incumbent clung to painting Conley as a carpetbagger, which also led to uncontained bickering.

If the debate showed anything – as the next one on Oct. 14 likely will too – it’s that Conley does agree with Trump on something: Lawler’s a persistent pain in the ass. And maybe voters have had enough of it, but even if Conley wins, and even if Lawler opts after that not to run for the House again – he told City & State he wouldn’t – it likely won’t be the last we see of him: Lawler said he’s open to launching a bid for governor in a different political climate.

But those both remain hypothetical for now, at least, as long as both Lawler and Conley stick to their scripts. And if they do, we’re in for a long four weeks.

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Opinion: New York can stop filling its parks with doomed 'pet' birds

Harvey Epstein and Liz Cabrera Holtz — Mon, 05 Oct 2026 05:00:00 -0400

Every month, New Yorkers report dozens of escaped or abandoned parrots and parakeets, from a pineapple conure in Murray Hill to a budgie in the dirt on Fordham Road in the Bronx. To state the obvious, no parrot is native to New York City, and few are equipped for our winters.

That’s why we are championing Intro 912.

This bill, which has significant and growing support in the City Council, would end the sale of birds in pet stores while leaving New Yorkers free to adopt from shelters, rescues and sanctuaries.

This commonsense legislation is both humane and good for humans who want to care for animals. It cuts off the retail demand that keeps abusive breeding mills in business, and it is also good for guardians because a bird from a rescue comes with screening, honest counsel about the decades of care these animals require and support long after adoption day.

Birds sold in city pet stores come from out-of-state breeding operations called mills, concentrated in Oklahoma, Texas and Florida. The picture is bleak: thousands of birds live in cramped, dirty cages inside barns and disgusting warehouses. In fact, federal inspectors walked into a parakeet mill in 2024 as the heat index in the barn hit 110 degrees. What they found was terrible: dead birds and others panting, unable to stand. Sadly – but not unexpectedly – the mill kept operating.

Federal law does not adequately address this crisis. The Animal Welfare Act puts in place minimal requirements, is underenforced and exempts breeders who supply up to 200 small and medium-sized birds a year. Facilities with long records of neglect stay in business on warnings and token fines. New York, with no licensed bird mills of its own, can't regulate a warehouse in Oklahoma or Texas.

That leaves ending retail sales in New York as our strongest tool to combat these mills. Every bird purchased in a city pet store sends money back to those warehouses and puts another breeding pair to work. Adoption breaks the cycle. A rescued bird already exists and already needs a home, so choosing one adds nothing to the mills’ order books and eases the load on the volunteers keeping these animals alive.

Most pet stores in the five boroughs don’t sell birds. Live animal sales are only a sliver of the pet industry's business. Most pet stores thrive on supplies, grooming, training and boarding. Other parts of our country have already taken action on broader retail bans, including Washington, D.C., and Cambridge, Massachusetts, and pet stores still continue to thrive in those cities.

On the ground, rescue workers see how these sales affect birds and how often people disregard them. Bird rescues and sanctuaries are overwhelmed and close to crisis. Last year, volunteer-run rescues across the region fielded more requests than they could meet. Parrots are intelligent, social animals who need to fly and flock, and some live up to 80 years, outliving the people who bring them home.

A city that honors and respects pet birds should stop treating them as bulk inventory, bought and sold in unsanitary mills. New York has led on bird protection before, banning the trafficking of wild birds and requiring bird-safe glass on new construction. These smart rules have benefited our city. The Council can lead again by passing Intro 912.

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The 2026 Hudson Valley Trailblazers

City & State — Mon, 05 Oct 2026 05:00:00 -0400

One of the most competitive and closely watched congressional races this year is in the Hudson Valley, where moderate Republican Rep. Mike Lawler is facing an up-and-coming Democratic rival, Cait Conley, in a race that could determine which party controls the U.S. House of Representatives next year. The region is also a battleground in statewide races and could prove pivotal in determining whether Gov. Kathy Hochul is able to secure another four years in office. Further to the left on the political spectrum, the Democratic Socialists of America have been making inroads in the area, creating new bastions beyond their strongholds in Brooklyn and Queens.

While those political dynamics have garnered attention across New York and even nationwide, they aren’t the only big things happening in the Hudson Valley. Local leaders are busy spurring economic growth, expanding access to higher learning, creating affordable housing, upgrading key infrastructure and providing a range of services for those most in need. City & State’s Hudson Valley Trailblazers list puts a spotlight on a selection of influential figures who are active across a seven-county region, including Dutchess, Orange, Putnam, Rockland, Sullivan, Ulster and Westchester counties.

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10 most memorable New York political impressions on SNL

Annie McDonough and Eric Holmberg — Sat, 03 Oct 2026 05:00:00 -0400

The TikTok dance Ramy Youssef performed as Zohran Mamdani on the season premier of “Saturday Night Live” looked less like a Zohran-ism and more like something a boomer would do to try to appeal to the kids – which is maybe just what SNL is now. Last week’s cold open parodied the New York City mayor’s meeting at Gracie Mansion with President Donald Trump, and some weren’t sold by the impression. It’s not the first time SNL spoofed our local elected officials, so City & State revisited some of the most memorable impressions of New York politicians in the show’s history.

Ramy Youssef as Zohran Mamdani

Appearances: Two

What they got right: The perma-grin, and message discipline. (Who would have thought we’d see a Sunnyside Yard reference on SNL?)What they got wrong: There are a dozen ways SNL could have lampooned Mamdani’s media strategy, but the man doesn’t do TikTok dances. Doesn’t land!

Miles Teller as Andrew Cuomo

Appearances: One (Pete Davidson also had at least four appearances as Cuomo.)

What they got right: A new mispronunciation of “Zohran Mamdani” at every turn. “My opponent, Norbert Damndaniel, is inexperienced and frankly, a nepo baby. Whereas my dad was just governor of New York.”

What they got wrong: The Queens accent isn’t totally there, but Teller gave it his best shot.

Chris Redd as Eric Adams

Appearances: At least two, but bonus points for appearing with Adams himself at the Inner Circle Show

What they got right: When Adams took office in 2022, the city was still rebounding from COVID-19. It’s easy to forget how much he tried to will away the city’s ills on swagger alone, but Redd’s debut sold it so well, Adams apparently became a fan himself.

What they got wrong: The mocking disdain for the press corps is on point, but his nicknames for reporters (“weird Slim Shady,” “Princess Peach”) are a little too affectionate.

Watch here: https://www.nbc.com/saturday-night-live/video/eric-adams-press-conference/971205543

Kate McKinnon as Rudy Giuliani

Appearances: At least 13, far surpassing the four other cast members who took on Rudy

What they got right: The delusional commitment to Trump’s election denial in 2020. “In Michigan, we demanded a recount. In Wisconsin, we have demanded a decount. We called backsies in Nevada, we got safety in Arizona, and in Georgia: opposite day.”

What they got wrong: McKinnon’s portrayal gets the zany parts right, but doesn't capture the stunning self-sabotage Giuliani did to his previously fairly strong local reputation in the Trump era.

Chris Farley as Andrew Giuliani

Appearances: At least two

What they got right: Farley, an absurdly physical performer, was the perfect choice to play an overzealous kid shoving his way into the spotlight.

What they got wrong: There are rare instances in which life is stranger than sketch, and 7-year-old Andrew’s fist-pumping, kiss-blowing, speech-stealing performance is one not even Farley could match.

Bowen Yang as George Santos

Appearances: At least eight

What they got right: Obviously, the compulsive lying. In a sketch about being expelled from Congress, Yang said, “So I’m no longer ‘Congressman Santos.’ I’m just regular old professor major general reverend astronaut Santos, protector of the realm, princess of Genovia.” And Santos did live his life like a “Scandal in the wind.”

What they got wrong: We could fact-check, or rank, all of Santos’ lies, and we have, but he’s now out of prison and, this is true, currently on reality TV.

John Mulaney as Harvey Epstein

Appearances: One

What they got right: No one outside of political circles knows who Harvey Epstein is, so better safe than sorry to clarify he is neither Harvey Weinstein nor Jeffrey Epstein. Mulaney’s frustrated delivery landed the joke, while the inclusion of Epstein’s understated hoop earring proved the show’s eye for detail.

What they got wrong: Epstein, already an Assembly member and running in an uncompetitive general election at the time the sketch aired, had absolutely nothing to worry about despite Mulaney’s declaration that “the name thing has become a bit of an issue.”

Sarah Sherman as Chuck Schumer

Appearances: One

What they got right: The look, the accent, the hair, the glasses, Sarah Sherman had Chuck Schumer down pat.

What they got wrong: In the sketch, Schumer is arguing about his DoorDash order, which would be impossible for him to place on his outdated flip phone.

Fred Armisen as David Paterson

Appearances: At least 11

What they got right: Paterson is still out here looking for election drama in 2026, just as Armisen’s Paterson did in a “Weekend Update” segment (that Paterson himself later joined) about the race to succeed him as governor. “The Democrat in me wants (Andrew) Cuomo, but the trainwreck in me identifies with (Carl) Paladino.”

What they got wrong: Pretty much every sketch in which Armisen played Paterson included insensitive jokes about Paterson being legally blind, which – apart from drawing backlash from disability advocacy groups – didn’t reflect any reality of Paterson’s leadership.

Phil Hartman as Mario Cuomo

Appearances: Two

What they got right: Phil Hartman’s overdone New York accent as he tries to argue, like all the other candidates, that he’s not a good candidate for president in 1992. And New York’s economy wasn’t in great shape at the time, which Hartman mentions.

What they got wrong: One of the biggest laughs was Hartman declaring, “I have mob ties!” For years, there had been rumors about Cuomo’s ties to the Mafia, but those were never substantiated.

Watch here: https://www.nbc.com/saturday-night-live/video/campaign-92-the-race-to-avoid-being-the-guy-who-loses-to-bush/2859836

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Jumaane Williams isn’t slowing down on pushing for progress

Nila Roper — Sat, 03 Oct 2026 05:00:00 -0400

On Sept. 29, New York City Public Advocate Jumaane Williams spoke in Foley Square alongside Democratic Lt. Gov. nominee Adrienne Adams, Brad Lander and other community advocates. He endorsed the Hochul-Adams ticket, discussed the urgency of preventing gun violence and criticized Hochul’s opponent, Republican Bruce Blakeman. The appearance was a part of Adams’ tour titled “The Cost of Blakeman.” Williams spoke with City & State about the Mamdani administration, the governor’s race and his advocacy priorities. This interview has been edited for length and clarity.

I’m curious about your position on Gov. Kathy Hochul and her running for reelection. You previously criticized her for her resistance to taxing the wealthy. Have you had any further conversation on this issue?

I mean, I think I’ve had a lot of criticism and critique. I think I’ve been very clear: I think that many Democratic leaders made poor decisions that actually brought us to Donald Trump. So I’ve been very clear about that, and the insistence that I don’t think there’s enough of an autopsy in what happened and how we got here. With that said, I’m asking folks who joined me in that critique to let that critique be known by voting on the (Working Families Party) line, so that way we can provide critique without creating harm.

And when it comes to her tax policy, do you think that the pied-à-terre tax on luxury second homes is a good solution, or do you think that it needs to go further?

Oh, we absolutely need to go further. We need to literally tax the wealthy in a very real, intentional way. I’m happy that we have the pied-à-terre tax, it’s something that we did not have before. It’s something that we have to push for. I feel like we maybe need to push a little harder than I hoped we would have to. But again, if you look at the two choices, you’re not going to get that from Bruce Blakeman. Quite the opposite. He might do the same kind of transfer of wealth from the poor and working-class folks to wealthy people, like Donald Trump did. So, if you are liking paying more based on Donald Trump’s policies, that’s what you get from Bruce Blakeman. So, again, right now the choice is between two folks on Nov. 3, and we have to be clear and definitive that we’re not going to allow Bruce Blakeman, the mini Trump, to be the governor of the state.

It’s no secret that you have been critical of the governor, but when it comes to this election cycle, what do you two agree on? And do you think that there are any issues in particular that Hochul has handled very well?

Well, I think, as you mentioned, the pied-à-terre tax. Since she’s become governor, much better on gun issues, and there’s a clear gulf in between how she views concealed carry bans, getting permits for people with guns, versus Bruce Blakeman. Since she’s become governor, there’s a gulf between what she thinks of ICE, and the militia and immigrant New Yorkers, and Bruce Blakeman, who has nephews on the militia who are armed, who believes in the militia, who wants to cause harm to New Yorkers, whose own county has a 10-year high in violent crime. So, there’s a world of difference. What she’s done with helping the mayor here on 2-K is also something that’s very laudable. So there's a lot of points of agreement, and I want to continue to push even further on those points. I’d rather have to push someone where there is some alignment than someone who’s going to be horrific in everything that people care about in this state.

What are your thoughts on New York City Mayor Zohran Mamdani's performance thus far? What do you think he’s done well, and what would you like to see him prioritize going forward?

What’s amazing to me, he’s accomplished a lot of things in the past few months that I think people should be like, “Wow, how did you get that done so quickly?” I think he’s made some campaign promises that he wanted to do, and then he went out and started doing a lot of them, so that’s very laudable. There’s always, you know, things you want to push a little bit. So we’re going to continue to push on issues. And my job as public advocate is to make sure that every voice is heard, all the issues are pushed forward. So I’m enjoying this administration. Obviously, the last one was terrible, so I’m very glad that’s gone. I think that’s better for everybody in this city, and most importantly, the voters have been very clear about what type of leader they want, and so the Mamdani election, I think, is just a great move forward.

Are there any proposed policies or ideas, or things that Mamdani’s already executed on, that you’ve been a fan of?

The things he’s done with 2-K with the governor’s help, I think is great. The fact that he’s been working on the grocery store, I think is great. The housing plan that he put forward, while there’s some tweaks I would have (made), is probably the best housing plan that I’ve seen, and I’ve been working on a housing policy now, I’m sorry to say, for like 20-something years now, and so this is one of the best ones. Of course, governing is hard, so execution is difficult, and I think that’s where you need a public advocate to make sure we can go from what we want to do to execution.

The mayor launched the Office of Community Safety in March. Have you seen results from this office? Are there any areas of improvement you want to see when it comes to that office, or just the NYPD in general?

Well, thanks to all of our partners, we are on historic lows of shootings and murders, and those two stats are really important to me because many of us have been trying to figure out the combination of things that help get us to that point. And I always want to be clear that data means nothing to you (when) you’re a victim of crime, or your family’s a victim of crime, and even with lower data, the communities that are dealing with the violence are still the same communities, and that’s a problem. I have pushed for something like the Office of Community Safety for such a long time, so it’s an honor to be a part of that press conference announcing that. I think Deputy Mayor (Renita) Francois is an excellent choice. I am hoping to see some more investment in the Office of Community Safety. The work that’s being done with the crisis management system is amazing, but I do think we have to build on it, so I’m looking to see that being built on.

I’m hoping to see more integration into the discussions of public safety with NYPD and the Office Community Safety, and that is just a culture shift that has to happen. I’ve seen it work well in other cities, so I’m looking forward to (that happening) here. I’m thankful for the NYPD partners for (the) work that they’re doing to help with pushing down on crime. But there’s some other issues that are very concerning, like low-level stops, some of the things we’re seeing around the increase of stop, question and frisk, and the lack of transparency there. So there’s some concerns there still. I’m going to continue to push and continue to have conversations.

You have a recent report out on AI governance. What’s the most important step that you think the Mamdani administration needs to take when it comes to guardrails and AI usage?

Unlike the president and probably Blakeman, at least there’s an acknowledgement that we have a problem. So the first thing is to acknowledge that we definitely have a huge, existential problem with AI. … So we have to slow down. Thankfully, we pulled back some of it with school. I think we may need to pull back even a little bit more, and really put some firm guidelines in place of how we can use this, because AI is here. There’s no way around that, but it’s the guardrails and the guidelines that are missing of how all of the agencies can use it. People look at New York, and I think a lot of folks are struggling with this, so if we can (say) “here’s how we can use it, here are the guidelines that will keep folks safe,” New York City has a huge sway on how things go across this country.

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Velázquez, not Bichotte Hermelyn, leads BK Dems, judge rules

Jeff Coltin and Sahalie Donaldson — Fri, 02 Oct 2026 17:59:24 -0400

Rodneyse Bichotte Hermelyn's tenure as leader of the Brooklyn Democratic Party has drawn to a close, according to a Supreme Court judge.

And that could clear the way for Julio Peña III, the leader of the reform faction, to take over the party.

In a new order issued Friday evening, Supreme Court judge Lisa Lewis ruled that Bichotte Hermelyn’s term as chair of the Brooklyn Dems’ executive committee ended last week at the conclusion of a raucous organizational meeting on Sept. 23. And as the party’s leadership vote was delayed under a separate court ruling on Tuesday, Rep. Nydia Velázquez, an ally of the reformers, is the party’s reigning authority in the interim.

Velázquez was elevated to chair of the county committee at last week’s organizational meeting after party leadership neglected to put their own candidate on the ballot. While Bichotte Hermelyn and allies are likely to appeal the ruling, the mistake appears increasingly costly.

Velázquez tested her newfound power Wednesday by firing Bichotte Hermelyn’s lawyers with the firm Abrams Fensterman. And Lewis ruled today that Velázquez did so legally.

“The court determines that Respondent Velázquez, as the sole officer presently vested with party-wide executive authority, is empowered to act on behalf of both the new County Committee and the Executive Committee, including retaining counsel to represent their interests,” Lewis wrote.

Mark Hanna, a district leader and lawyer representing reformers, contends that the ruling means Velázquez could call the meeting to vote for a new party leader as soon as Monday. After an appellate panel confirmed a lower court’s decision to toss out the controversial rules changes pushed by Bichotte Hermelyn, reformers appear to have a majority on the executive committee again. Hanna said Peña has the support of 26 of the 42 district leaders.

“When Rep. Velázquez calls our executive organizational meeting, a new day for the party will begin and we can get to work for the November elections,” Peña said.

Bichotte Hermelyn declined to comment.

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Hochul commits to changing state rape law after Cornell case

Rebecca C. Lewis — Fri, 02 Oct 2026 13:28:29 -0400

Gov. Kathy Hochul announced on Friday she plans to work with state lawmakers to pass legislation that would close the so-called “voluntary intoxication loophole” in the state’s rape law. The measure has burst into the national spotlight as a 2024 case of alleged rape at Cornell University has gained nationwide attention.

“Voluntary intoxication is not a license for sexual assault or gang rape. Period,” Hochul said at her Manhattan office. “I support closing this loophole, and will work with the New York state Legislature to accomplish this.”

An anonymous former Cornell Univerity student, dubbed Jane Doe, alleged that she was gang raped in 2024 by seven men at a fraternity house. She has said in statements and a new civil lawsuit that she willingly drank and did drugs, though added she felt pressured into doing ketamine, ahead of the alleged assault that lasted multiple hours.

Hochul was flanked on Friday by state Attorney General Letitia James, whom she had just appointed as the special prosecutor to oversee the Cornell case. Hochul said in a statement Thursday night she had “lost faith” in Tompkins County District Attorney Matthew Van Houten’s “ability to oversee” the case, even as Van Houten said he would reopen the investigation.

Van Houten declined to bring charges two years ago. In a statement released earlier this week about that decision, he said Jane Doe’s statement “described her participation in drug use and sexual conduct as voluntary.” The circumstances have turned the state’s “voluntary intoxication loophole” into a national lighting rod.

Current state law has a very high bar for proving incapacitation in rape and sexual assault cases if the alleged victim voluntarily becomes intoxicated. State law says someone is unable to give consent if they are “mentally disabled or mentally incapacitated.” That is applied to when someone is drugged against their will or without their knowledge, but does not automatically cover a person who willingly accepts drinks or drugs beforehand – even if they become heavily incapacitated to the point of confusion.

Lawmakers have tried for years to update the state law to add a provision that covers incapacitation from heavy voluntary intoxication. The state Senate has repeatedly passed the measure unanimously, including earlier this year. Many had hoped this would be the year the Assembly brought the bill to a vote, but members ultimately left Albany in June without acting on it.

The bill has nearly 100 cosponsors from both parties in the Assembly, more than enough to get it approved in the 150-member body. But it has only 79 Democratic cosponsors, just three more than the 76-member majority needed to get it approved. Assembly Speaker Carl Heastie typically does not bring bills to a vote unless he has at least 86 Democrats in case some change their mind when it comes to the actual vote. And he is known not to rely on Republican votes to ensure measures pass, so the extra minority cosponsors don’t provide that extra cushion.

One Assembly member who was granted anonymity to discuss internal debates said the “voluntary intoxication loophole” bill has been discussed in private conference meetings more than once in the past. The source said that some members who have signed onto the bill publicly have privately said they wouldn’t actually vote for it or spoke against the premise. The most common issues raised, according to multiple legislative sources, related to concerns about due process and expanding the state’s penal code that could lead to increased incarceration rates in marginalized communities. One legislative source said those concerns are among many things Heastie has taken into consideration regarding the bill.

The legislation has gone through multiple revisions since over the last several years to address such concerns, including narrowing the language and making it more precise. But that still hasn’t been enough to get it over the finish line in the lower chamber.

A spokesperson for Heastie said the governor has spoken with the speaker about the legislation and her new support of it. And In a statement to City & State, Heastie said he is “troubled” by the allegations out of Cornell and confirmed that Democrats conferenced the “voluntary intoxication” bill twice. “We did not have enough votes within the Majority conference to pass the bill,” he said. “That is why I have convened the working group to resolve the issues with this bill and to look for additional ways to strengthen New York’s sexual assault laws.”

Earlier this week, Heastie announced a working group to review the state’s sexual assault laws. At the time, he noted the working group includes “a broad cross-section of experience and viewpoints” among its 14 members. It includes, for example, Assembly Member Jeffrey Dinowitz, the sponsor of the “voluntary intoxication loophole” bill, and Assembly Member Latrice Walker, one of the people who has publicly expressed concern over its due process impacts.

Advocates for sexual assault survivors have called for updates to the state’s rape and sexual assault laws, many of which were written decades ago, independent of the current zeitgeist. And they have had some success in the past. Hochul signed a measure dubbed the Rape is Rape Act at the start of 2024 that created an expanded definition of rape under criminal law to ensure that non-penetrative acts still fell under the statute. In 2019, the state approved extending the statute of limitations for rape in the second and third degrees.

Hochul said she did not intend to call an extraordinary session before the end of the year that would permit her to dictate the agenda, instead suggesting action early next year at the start of the regularly scheduled session. “There's legislation that has passed one of the houses,” she said. “We can take a look at that, talk to the sponsor, but (also) find out in light of what we've learned: Are there any other glaring deficiencies in state law?”

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This week’s biggest Winners & Losers

City & State — Fri, 02 Oct 2026 05:00:00 -0400

If three former New York first daughters ever tire of their mom’s summer place at the six-acre Kennedy Compound, their dad, former Gov. Andrew Cuomo, has a plan. The former governor just shelled out almost $10 million cash for a seven-acre Hamptons compound of his own. Cuomo’s East End digs include nine bedrooms, a four-bedroom guest house, pool, tennis court and 234 feet of waterfront. Not a bad spot to escape any Kennedy family feuds.

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Opinion: Don’t let the Hunts Point Market deal die in transition

Nate Bliss — Fri, 02 Oct 2026 05:00:00 -0400

If you’ve bought a banana in a bodega, an apple from a greengrocer or fresh salad from your favorite lunch spot, chances are that produce traveled through a 100-acre campus in the South Bronx – the Hunts Point Produce Market, which handles an estimated 25% of all fresh produce entering the city.

This indispensable piece of New York’s food supply chain operates from archaic buildings constructed nearly 60 years ago. The facility is inefficient and inadequate for a market serving one of the largest and most complicated food systems in the world. Its operations also contribute to the truck traffic and diesel pollution that residents of Hunts Point have long endured.

For many decades, city leaders, market businesses, community advocates, labor unions and elected officials have agreed that the Produce Market must be modernized. The most recent redevelopment effort came closer than any before it.

Over the last four years, the city, state and federal governments committed more than $400 million alongside an additional $225 million federal loan, the first of its kind, premised on a new long-term lease with the Market. A design-build team was selected to create a modern, all-electric facility, renderings of which were unveiled in December. The project promised to create more than 2,000 union construction jobs, improve the resilience of the city’s food supply and reduce harmful emissions in the South Bronx.

After years of technical work and difficult negotiations, the city and the Market together announced an agreement at the end of 2025 intended to move the redevelopment forward.

On Tuesday, Gothamist reported that the Market voted down the roughly $650 million project over the summer, putting the redevelopment and public funding in jeopardy. Later that morning, Mayor Zohran Mamdani said on WNYC that “this iteration is not one that’s moving forward,” while emphasizing that meetings with the cooperative continue and the city has not given up on electrifying and modernizing the market.

I helped negotiate with the Market on behalf of former Mayor Eric Adams’ administration. I understand why the Market matters and how difficult it was to get this far.

This is not a moment to assign blame or relitigate every decision that brought us here. Large public projects are complex and dynamic. Negotiations reach impasses. The longtime businesses at the Market are faced with the daunting task of balancing their futures with maintaining their day-to-day operations.

A new mayoral administration also has the right – and the responsibility – to review major commitments made by their predecessors. Fresh scrutiny can uncover better approaches, protect public dollars and ensure that projects reflect the current priorities.

But there is a difference between reassessing a project and starting from scratch.

Complex public projects accumulate value long before a shovel is put in the ground. That value is not just in dollars appropriated, but also in hard-fought consensus achieved, alternatives evaluated, compromises negotiated, regulatory hurdles resolved and relationships built among parties. At Hunts Point, it meant years around the boardroom table at 772 Edgewater Road, working through questions of cost, design, financing and how businesses could keep operating during construction. It takes years to develop that institutional knowledge and trust – and only a few months of transition to lose it.

New York cannot afford to repeatedly discard this accumulated momentum whenever leadership changes. Our largest and most complex infrastructure, housing and economic development projects routinely take longer than the tenure of any mayor, deputy mayor, council member or agency president. If each transition sends complicated projects back to the drawing board, the city will struggle to complete anything that requires sustained cooperation.

Hunts Point illustrates why continuity is essential. The underlying need has not changed at all: New Yorkers still depend on the Market. Its businesses and workers still need a facility capable of serving the region into the future. Hunts Point residents still deserve relief from diesel pollution and congestion. And the city still has an extraordinary opportunity (although now a narrow window) to leverage substantial state and federal resources to modernize its own infrastructure.

To be clear, I am not saying that the prior plan must be accepted without modification. If elements of the prior deal no longer work, the parties should say so candidly and determine what can be changed. If the project must be phased, redesigned or restructured to accommodate the concerns of the Market businesses, those options should be evaluated. City leaders should establish a focused and time-bound process for resolving remaining differences.

What cannot happen is for the project to quietly lose momentum while deadlines pass, funding becomes vulnerable and the knowledge built over years disperses.

Mamdani and New York City Economic Development Corporation should promptly bring the parties back to the table, with seats for the Produce Market, labor (especially the Teamsters, whose support was critical), community representatives, local elected officials and state and federal funding partners. The objective should not be to resuscitate the previous agreement, but to identify what is needed to preserve a path forward.

New York has invested too much and come too close to allow this opportunity to slip away. The task now is not to preserve any individual official’s plan or legacy. It is to preserve an essential public asset and finally deliver the modern market that Hunts Point and the entire city need.

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DiNapoli defends record on Medicaid fraud in comptroller debate

Kate Lisa — Thu, 01 Oct 2026 22:04:18 -0400

Both candidates for state comptroller got spirited over wasteful Medicaid spending, high utility bills, AI, prediction markets and more Thursday night in their sole debate before Election Day.

State Comptroller Tom DiNapoli, a Democrat, and his Republican challenger Joseph Hernandez faced off for an hour on Spectrum News. Things got a little heated when the pair discussed Medicaid fraud.

Hernandez accused DiNapoli of doing nothing to tackle the state’s elevated rate of Medicaid fraud and low number of related prosecuted cases.

"The fraud and abuse in New York is out of control. It is ridiculous. We have to do something about it,” Hernandez said. But DiNapoli defended his 20-year record, highlighting 55 arrests and $44 million in recovered funds since 2023. He accused Hernandez of fabricating statistics, and quipped back: “Your words are just rhetoric. I have a proven track record.”

DiNapoli, who handily won his first-ever primary challenge earlier this year, also defended recent changes to improve benefits for state employees on the Tier 6 pension system, and said he thinks the state needs stronger regulations to prohibit political donations from vendors interested in state contracts.

Hernandez questioned DiNapoli about $850,000 in donations from law firms that work with the state pension fund. “You're very quiet about these pay-to-play issues,” he said.

DiNapoli challenged Hernandez to prove any quid pro quo, but would not defend Gov. Kathy Hochul and the Legislature's past decisions to award state contracts, like for a multi-billion-dollar Medicaid program, without comptroller oversight. "That was a mistake, it shouldn't have happened that way," DiNapoli said.

Dinapoli backs Hochul's data center moratorium, and wants to lean on further diversifying investments to insulate the state’s funds from a possible "AI bubble," while Hernandez wants the state to accelerate its investment in the industry instead of pumping the brakes.

Hernandez said prediction markets like Kalshi – that New York and other states have sued for illegal gambling – need to pay their fair share of taxes, while DiNapoli said the courts should decide.

In a rapid-fire question round, both candidates agreed they would not invest the pension fund in cryptocurrency, but are split on the state’s biggest threat: Hernandez said it’s the state’s high outmigration, but DiNapoli said it’s President Donald Trump.

DiNapoli is heavily favored in the statewide Nov. 3 election over Hernandez, a biotechnology investor who received less than 0.1% of the vote in the 2025 New York City mayoral race, running as an independent.

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Jacobs secures reelection as state Dems chair

Nila Roper — Thu, 01 Oct 2026 17:42:28 -0400

Jay Jacobs was reelected as chair of the state Democratic Committee in a landslide win over Otsego County Democratic Party Chair Caitlin Ogden, his first-ever challenger for the role.

And he did so with a slew of party heavyweights in attendance for the party’s reorganizational meeting, including Gov. Kathy Hochul, her running mate Adrienne Adams, state Senate Majority Leader Andrea Stewart-Cousins and Assembly Speaker Carl Heastie.

Though he won with nearly 82% of the weighted vote, at a time with growing resentment toward the Democratic establishment and party progressives’ dissatisfaction with his leadership, Jacobs seemed determined to show he’d taken the challenge seriously and had earned a deep level of support – one that went beyond the “I’m with Jay” stickers committee members sported in the audience.

“This is a coordinated campaign … that is Jay, who is implementing the governor’s vision, helping to raise that money, helping to coordinate, helping to make sure that from the top to the bottom, we get bigger majorities in Albany, reelect the statewides and win the House back,”Christine Quinn, state Democratic Committee executive chair, said as she nominated Jacobs. “That doesn’t happen by accident, it happens when you have a good leader, and a leader of the party who is supported by our great Democratic mom, Gov. Kathy Hochul.”

Ogden entered the race last month because of dissatisfaction with Jacobs’ tenure, and was motivated by an "appetite for change.”

“I waited for somebody to step up and give our committee members a choice, and I got tired of waiting,” she told City & State in an interview last month. She was especially frustrated by the choice not to give Hochul's short-lived primary opponent, Lt. Gov. Antonio Delgado, a place on the ballot alongside the incumbent.

Still, Jacobs appreciated the challenge. “I have a business, and my business never does so well as when somebody is nipping at my heels in competition,” he said. “Then all of a sudden you sharpen, and you look to get even better than you think you were before. And I think that’s what the outcome of Caitlin’s efforts are.”

Rep. Pat Ryan, a rising star within the party, agreed. “I think that’s the kind of party we are, where we all push each other to be better,” he told City & State after the vote.

Jacobs sought to build momentum as the Democrats look to win back the House majority come Election Day, drumming up support for candidates in competitive races, including Cait Conley, who is running to unseat Rep. Mike Lawler in the state’s 17th congressional district. Conley was in attendance and gave remarks Thursday.

“Give people a reason to vote on this Democratic line other than to oppose the other line,” Jacobs said. He added, “The reason why we see so much disharmony, even within our own party, is because leadership, on the national level, needs to be addressing big ideas … and pointing out to people what America will look like when we elect the Democratic majority.”

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Opinion: Meeting the moment for New York’s homeless youth

Carl Wilson — Thu, 01 Oct 2026 05:00:00 -0400

An 18-year-old comes through the Ali Forney Center’s doors most days in my district. They come after being rejected by their families and escaping tremendous abuse. They arrive with a bag, sometimes less, and they wait for a bed or a case manager or a voucher that, for years, might as well not have existed. Multiply that young person by 400, and you have the current waitlist to enter an Ali Forney Center shelter today. Multiply it further and you have thousands of LGBTQ young people across this city and state.

Over 40% of all runaway and homeless youth in New York identify as LGBTQ. For them, a shelter bed is the difference between a system built to protect them, and one that exposes them to the very harassment and violence they fled their home to escape.

We have seen what's possible when this city chooses to show up for these youth. In July 2021, a pilot program opened 50 CityFHEPS vouchers to youth in city shelters and drop-in centers. That December, legislation made time in youth shelters and foster care count toward voucher eligibility. The results were immediate and proved that this crisis is solvable when the city funds the solution: 280 young people moved from shelters into apartments of their own. Another 115 stood on the threshold, leases in hand. Homeless youth exits from Department of Youth and Community Development (DYCD) shelters rose 350%. At the Ali Forney Center, the waitlist fell below one hundred youth for the first time in memory.

But then momentum stalled, funding tightened and the road out narrowed again. A bill to allow for youth access to CityFHEPS passed in 2023 thanks to advocacy by the Coalition for Homeless Youth, but then-Mayor Eric Adams vetoed it. The City Council overrode that veto, but Adams refused to implement it. Next, emergency federal vouchers that helped close the gap ran out by 2024 and forced the city to scramble for new placements with no cushion left. Ali Forney’s waitlist climbed back past 400; that is how quickly progress can slip away the moment funding does.

This year, Mayor Zohran Mamdani, City Council Speaker Julie Menin and Housing Committee Chair Pierina Sanchez did something this city hasn't managed to in years: in one of the hardest budget cycles in recent memory, they chose to protect and expand rental assistance for homeless New Yorkers, including young people, rather than let it become collateral damage.

The FY27 budget and Int. 966 deliver $175 million this year, and a baseline $125 million the year after, to fund a new rental assistance program with more accessible guidelines that will finally reach shelter populations that CityFHEPS has never covered. This includes the DYCD youth shelters, where Ali Forney's youth live while they wait.

For the first time in years, a young person in a city youth shelter has a real, funded path home. Speaker Julie Menin's insistence that no budget move without real voucher funding, and Council Member Pierina Sanchez's sustained work to get this across the finish line, were essential to this victory for young people and others facing housing insecurity.

This voucher expansion for youth is one of the most consequential city measures in years for reducing youth homelessness. The rest of New York state should be studying its success.

While the city was proving that funding works, runaway and homeless youth providers across the state have been asking for a modest, multi-year build to bring New York state Runaway and Homeless Youth funding to roughly $30 million – enough to align per-bed rates with what care actually costs. The state’s current Executive Budget offers just $8.4 million. That is not enough.

I am proud to represent Council District 3, which has a long history, from former Council Speaker Christine Quinn to state Sen. Erik Bottcher, of leading on this issue. New York City just showed, in real numbers, what happens when a government funds this work at the level the crisis demands, and what happens when it doesn't. Albany must pay close attention.

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Mamdani doubles down on pied-à-terre tax following legal blow

Nila Roper — Wed, 30 Sep 2026 17:32:42 -0400

Following a judge’s order on Tuesday to restart the rollout of the pied-à-terre tax in New York City, Mayor Zohran Mamdani reaffirmed his commitment to the policy.

The tax, which applies to high-value second homes in the city, was passed in the state budget earlier this year. But rollout of the policy has garnered significant pushback and several legal challenges – including two new lawsuits filed this week that argue the tax is unconstitutional. But the biggest blow this week came in an earlier lawsuit in which homeowners challenged how the Mamdani administration has been rolling out the tax, arguing it was rushed and that the city Department of Finance didn’t sufficiently determine who owes the tax before implementing the law. It also took issue with the city publishing a list of properties and owners that could be subject to the tax.

Yesterday, Staten Island state Supreme Court Judge Wayne Ozzi sided with these homeowners. The Mamdani administration said soon after it will appeal. The next step is in the hands of the appellate court: if it sides with the judge, the city will have to start the endeavor from scratch.

At an unrelated housing press conference on Wednesday, Mamdani stood in firm disagreement with the claims in the new lawsuits that the tax is unconstitutional. “We’re standing here talking about a legacy of disinvestment, and I say this to call attention to what those lawsuits are about,” he said.

Mamdani spoke of lower-income New York City residents, and the stark contrast between them and luxury owners subject to the tax. “I see people who have poured themselves into this city, but they often haven’t received that love back. And raising $500 million dollars by taxing those who can afford a second home worth more than $5 million dollars, to then put that money back into every New Yorker’s life, I think that’s not only the right thing to do, it’s a thing that we have to do.”

New York Attorney General Letitia James also addressed the new lawsuits – naming the state as a defendant – in an interview with City & State Tuesday. “We are working with (New York City’s corporation) counsel and we are joining forces, and we will appeal,” she said.

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With contract sunsetting, parenting nonprofit implores Mamdani administration to renew funding

Sahalie Donaldson — Wed, 30 Sep 2026 13:34:23 -0400

A New York City nonprofit focused on building stronger relationships between parents and children has been left scrambling after Mayor Zohran Mamdani’s administration declined to renew its funding.

Power of Two’s $1.5 million contract with the city’s Administration for Children’s Services ends Wednesday, clouding the future of the small community-based organization that’s served vulnerable families across the city since 2015. With roughly 65% of the nonprofit’s funding coming from the city, its leaders say the loss would strike a major blow to the in-home coaching it provides to families who’ve experienced trauma, are at risk of depression or facing other challenges.

“This is really bittersweet and painful,” Power of Two Executive Director Coleen Stevens Porcher said, referencing the looming end of city funding. “From the very beginning, what we wanted to do was be preventative.”

City Council Member Mercedes Narcisse told City & State that she hopes the Mamdani administration renews the organization’s contract, touting its efforts to help new mothers build strong bonds with their babies, reduce parental depression and improve parental confidence.

“As a mom and a nurse, I know how much the first months and years shape a child’s health and a mother’s well-being,” Narcisse said. “Programs doing this work on the ground, like Power of Two, especially in traditionally underserved neighborhoods, deserve support.”

Along with Narcisse, Council Members Althea Stevens and Rita Joseph have also pushed the Mamdani administration to renew the organization’s funding.

While the decision to sunset the organization’s contract occurred in the waning days of the Adams administration last year, Stevens Porcher said she and others within Power of Two have been trying to meet with Deputy Mayor for Health and Human Services Deputy Mayor Helen Arteaga since January to make the case for a renewed commitment – and more recently, to argue the contract should be moved under the Department of Health and Mental Hygiene. Though they’ve spoken with staff, efforts to have a substantive conversation with the deputy mayor directly have largely been fruitless, according to Stevens Porcher. She said they did get on a call with Arteaga in June, but it lasted only a few minutes.

Sneha Choudhary, deputy press secretary for the mayor, said that this was not a budget cut.“It was a decision made more than a year ago to move away from this type of primary prevention program as part of ACS’ continuum of services,” Choudhary said in a statement. “ACS and Power of Two agreed to a one-year renewal last year, and Power of Two has been aware since that renewal that we did not have the resources to continue this particular service. Our commitment to supporting children and caregivers remains as strong as ever.”

She added that the Mamdani administration will “continue to be a supportive partner” to Power of Two, referring clients through the city’s coordinated intake and referral system. “If an opportunity to fund this scope of work becomes available in the future, we would welcome an application from Power of Two.” But referrals would come on a case-by-case basis, rather than the lump sum support the organization has received up until this point.

The organization has been through funding crises before – the Adams administration cut funding for the program by $1.5 million in 2024, but it’s not been zeroed out before.

Given the overlap between Mamdani’s priorities and the organization’s own when it comes to racial equity, social justice and getting more children enrolled in early childhood education, Stevens Porcher said she doesn’t understand the decision. The organization deploys its team of coaches to families’ homes where they help parents with their parenting using a program known as Attachment and Biobehavioral Catch-Up. This programming, she said, helps reduce child welfare interventions and readies children for early childhood education by supporting their social, emotional and biological development.

Both a recent report published by the city’s Commission on Gender Equity and the racial equity plan published by the Mayor’s Office of Equity and Racial Justice emphasized the importance of the city investing in more organizations that are led by Black and brown New Yorkers, and those that predominantly serve Black and brown New Yorkers. Power of Two meets both of these things, according to Stevens Porcher, who is Black.

“We need more programs like this. We’re trusted in the community and that trust is hard to build. When you take that away, it takes a long time to start back up,” Stevens Porcher said. “It means that the city would have wasted all that investment that they made that helps support the child care infrastructure they are trying to build.”

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‘A sacred mission:’ City & State celebrates 20 years with a bash

Jeff Coltin and Peter Sterne — Wed, 30 Sep 2026 12:57:29 -0400

Political luminaries covered in City & State New York turned out Tuesday night to celebrate the political magazine’s 20th anniversary.

The event, held at Dramma in Midtown Manhattan, featured speeches from Gov. Kathy Hochul, state Attorney General Letitia James and New York City Council Speaker Julie Menin, along with a special video message from New York City Mayor Zohran Mamdani.

“I want to thank (City & State founder) Tom Allon for having the vision many years ago. A journalist to his core, he understands that free press is a sacred, sacred mission, and informing the public and holding the powerful accountable – which I guess means me,” Hochul said.

The governor also joked about poaching City & State’s own reporters. “I'm tonight offering jobs to Kate Lisa and Rebecca Lewis in the administration, so you can stop harassing me at press conferences,” the governor said. “Come on in, come on in. I'm sure it pays better.”

Hochul touted her support for a $90 million payroll tax credit for local newsrooms and spoke about the challenges facing journalists, including hostility from the White House. “It is deeply shocking that the president of the United States would literally ban news outlets because of their coverage, he just disagrees with them,” she said. “Banning news outlets because they're too negative. I didn't really know that was an option!”

“That was a joke,” she added.

Menin continued the roast in her own speech, joking that “the Fourth Estate is much more than what sounds like the target of a new pied-à-terre tax.”

She also took aim at City & State’s new premium newsletter, Heard Around Town, and its editor. “You continue to provide absolutely essential information, like what's going on in Peter Sterne's group chats, or who might run for governor in 2034. … Like the New Yorker magazine, City & State now features some very good fiction in its new section, Heard Around Town,” she said.

In her own speech, James highlighted the breadth of City & State’s coverage: “City & State knows that good journalism still requires what it always has: knowing your subject, knowing New York, knowing our history, knowing our birth dates, knowing our partners, knowing when we got married, knowing when we got divorced, knowing who doesn't like one another, and knowing when an elected official or the comms team is trying to spin you around.”

Mamdani zeroed in on the magazine’s (in)famous power lists. “You shine a light on stories that too often go untold. So even though you ranked me number 51 on the list of most powerful New Yorkers the year I was elected mayor, outlets like yours are essential for public trust,” he said in a pre-recorded video. “To be fair, no one was expecting Jim Walden to topple a political dynasty either.”

“And a special congrats to Editor-in-Chief Jeff Coltin,” he added. “I can’t walk down the street without people saying how much I look like you.”

.@NYCMayor wishes City & State a happy 20th Anniversary, but not without reminding us we ranked him #51 in the 2025 NYC Power 100 https://t.co/joWDXWtbvl
— City & State NY (@CityAndStateNY) September 30, 2026

During the event, Manhattan Borough President Brad Hoylman-Sigal presented City & State with an official proclamation stating that Sept. 29, 2026 was “City & State Appreciation Day,” while Council Member Gale Brewer presented an official City Council citation honoring City & State.

Other elected officials and prominent politicos in attendance included state Sens. Erik Bottcher and Cordell Cleare, Assembly Members Linda Rosenthal, Grace Lee, Tony Simone and Rebecca Seawright, Council Members Shaun Abreu, Nantasha Williams, Harvey Epstein, Ty Hankerson and Carl Wilson, former Rep. Carolyn Maloney, former Council Member Joe Borelli and former mayoral candidate Curtis Sliwa.

Hochul recalled that City & State first covered her in 2011 as “The Longshot.” / Rita Thompson

James said she starts every day with First Read. / Rita Thompson

Publisher and founder Tom Allon toasts two decades. / Rita Thompson / Rita Thompson

Once and future mayoral candidate Curtis Sliwa was on patrol. / Rita Thompson

Menin said she was waiting for City & State’s Best Hair of Jewish Lawyer Politicians in Manhattan list – and hoped she would place ahead of Brad Hoylman-Sigal. / Rita Thompson

Hoylman-Sigal declared it City & State Appreciation Day in Manhattan. / Ari Mintz

John Avlon, Citizens Union chair and former CNN journalist, emceed the festivities. / Rita Thompson

The New York Apartment Association CEO Kenny Burgos was one of the sponsors toasting City & State. / Rita Thompson

City & State’s editorial team, assembled. / Rita Thompson

Allon with James, who said she appreciates all journalists – even the New York Post reporters who stand outside her house. / Rita Thompson

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Lina Khan starts at the EDC today. What exactly will she be doing?

Sahalie Donaldson and Shenal Tissera — Wed, 30 Sep 2026 05:00:00 -0400

Two months after New York City Mayor Zohran Mamdani appointed them, the leadership team is finally on the job at the New York City Economic Development Corporation.

Tony Shorris took on the top job of president and CEO of the EDC on Sept. 8, and Wednesday marks progressive antitrust regulator Lina Khan’s first day as chair of the board of directors.

The duo, which the mayor described as the “economic wonks’ version of the 1992 Olympic basketball dream team,” aren’t exactly an obvious pairing. Shorris is no stranger to the city’s business community. An alum of the Ed Koch and Bill de Blasio administrations and a recent partner at the global consulting firm McKinsey & Company, Shorris’ appointment was largely lauded by business leaders.

Khan, who made a name for herself taking on large corporations as chair of the Federal Trade Commission under the Biden administration, garnered a less enthused response in the business community. While many saw Shorris as an olive branch to those leaders, there was little initial consensus on what to make of Khan. Beyond signaling the Mamdani administration’s continued commitment to orienting the EDC towards economic justice, her appointment raised a flurry of questions about how much influence she would wield within the agency and on the city’s economic development policy.

If historical precedent is any indication, the answer would be not much. Former chairs of the EDC’s board of directors functioned as little more than a rubber stamp to the far more powerful president’s agenda. Wednesday marks the EDC’s first board meeting, so there’s not a lot of data on what she and Shorris’ working dynamic will be. But for someone as high-profile as Khan, who has been a close advisor to the mayor throughout his transition and into the first year of his tenure, it’s hard to imagine her taking a backseat.

What is the EDC anyway?

The EDC is a little different than most city agencies – it’s technically a nonprofit organization and can generate revenue from its managed assets, allowing it to have its own budget to work with. Created under former Mayor David Dinkins’ administration, the organization acts as an engine of economic development for a wide range of projects, but its bread and butter is managing the real estate portfolio of city-owned sites which spans over 60 million square feet. It also runs a capital program that provides expertise and support to other city agencies and supervises design and construction management for certain projects among many other things.

Some of its past work include the redevelopment of the Brooklyn Army Terminal and the launch and management of the NYC Ferry. One of its current priorities, city-run grocery stores, comes from a promise Mamdani made on the campaign trail. The agency is overseeing the initial buildout for the program.

What does the board do?

For many projects that the EDC must spend money on or commit resources to, the staff must go to the board for approval. Depending on the project, staff at the EDC will have to present to the board multiple times, but the process is more of a formality as projects are rarely, if ever, rejected, according to people familiar with the agency. Minutes from past board meetings show that board members will sometimes question EDC staff about the project or funding, and also receive regular reports on EDC investments.

Members of the board are largely appointed by the mayor, but the City Council speaker and borough presidents make a handful of recommendations as well.

What is Khan’s job?

Khan will sit at the head of the board, which rules on any proposals staff at the EDC come forward with. For the most part, the board typically approves any proposals that come its way.

“I haven’t seen the board as much more than a rubber stamp,” one former EDC official said of Khan’s role.“They are usually allies of the mayor.”

So Lina Khan will be a typical board chair?

Maybe not. Khan will be one of the most high-profile board chairs of the EDC. Several people with knowledge of the EDC and its operations who City & State spoke to couldn’t even remember the names of the past board chairs, though restaurant mogul Danny Meyer briefly served in the role during the de Blasio administration.

How exactly Khan might wield her influence in the administration remains to be seen. Shorris’ role as president and CEO, meanwhile, will be the more involved position in terms of day-to-day affairs and reporting to Deputy Mayor for Economic Justice Julie Su.

“The role of the president is exceedingly important and I don't think the chairman gets that involved,” one member of the board said. “(The chair) might be the eyes and ears for the mayor,” that person theorized.

How do people feel about Khan’s appointment?

Khan’s appointment was met with a mixed bag of reactions from excitement to apprehension. Those on the left were excited by the news of Khan being tapped as board chair of the EDC because of her reputation as a trust buster.

“NYC-DSA believes Lina Khan is the right leader to stand up for working class New Yorkers on the EDC board. Khan is a visionary who is committed to reimagining the role of government as a tool to protect and serve regular people,” the New York City chapter of the Democratic Socialists of America wrote in a post on X.

Those in the business community were much less enthused by the Khan selection, although the decision to appoint Shorris as president of the EDC came as a relief to those who were skeptical of Khan’s involvement and saw him as a steadying hand for the organization.

“I summarize the appointment of Tony [Shorris] as relief and excitement,” said Tom Grech, president and CEO of the Queens Chamber of Commerce. “I don’t really know much about her, I haven't met her. I would say I have cautious optimism.”

Some business leaders maintain reservations, others are hopeful – even if some of their hopes are pinned on longshot changes about what the agency will do.

“We are looking forward to working with these public servants. Lina has worked at the FTC and has antitrust experience and understands how monopolies must not take advantage of small businesses,” said Mark Jaffe, president and CEO of the Greater New York Chamber of Commerce. But he added, “I hope they end the city run grocery stores.”

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Court delays Brooklyn Dems leader vote

Sahalie Donaldson — Tue, 29 Sep 2026 17:13:07 -0400

Those waiting with bated breath to see who will take over control of the Brooklyn Democratic Party will have to hold on a bit longer.

A Brooklyn judge granted the reform faction’s request for a temporary restraining order to block the executive committee meeting that had been scheduled for Tuesday night – throwing a wrench in Brooklyn Democratic Party Boss Rodneyse Bichotte Hermelyn’s plans to have Assembly Member Nikki Lucas take over as leader of the party.

After Bichotte Hermelyn’s surprise declaration Monday night that she wouldn’t seek reelection as party chair, City & State reported that she had picked Lucas to succeed her.

“The judge did what was required,” Howard Graubard, a lawyer for the reformers, said of Judge Jill Epstein’s decision.

Bichotte Hermelyn did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

The stay on Tuesday night’s meeting comes mere hours after reformers scored a major win in court. The appellate panel lifted its stay on and confirmed the lower court’s decision throwing out the controversial rules amendments pushed by Bichotte Hermelyn to help her remain in power. It was a major win for the coalition of reformist district leaders, which coalesced behind Julio Peña III this summer as the candidate they’d hoped to elect to replace Bichotte Hermelyn.

Lucas formally announced her bid for chair earlier Tuesday, promising an era of unity.

“Regardless of whom someone supported in the past or where they may stand on a particular issue, their voices and their communities matter,” she said in a press release.

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Mamdani’s plan to fight antisemitism includes PSAs, funding for synagogues

Annie McDonough — Tue, 29 Sep 2026 11:31:54 -0400

One million dollars to upgrade security at synagogues and other houses of worship, and $6.4 million for community organizations working to fight discrimination. A new campaign to educate the public on the city’s Human Rights Law and processes for reporting discrimination. Increasing uptake of free school trips to the Museum of Jewish Heritage.

New York City Mayor Zohran Mamdani’s administration released its Strategy to Combat Antisemitism on Tuesday – the mayor’s most concrete delineation of how he will fight antisemitism as he continues to face criticism that he isn’t doing enough.

Published just after the Jewish High Holidays and during Sukkot, includes all of the above as well as a set of “core values” in that strategy.

“The Jewish people and their contributions to New York City are inextricably woven into the fabric of this city, and they must remain an enduring part of its future,” the first of those core values reads. “New York City has long had one of the most significant Jewish populations out of any city in the world. The way to ensure that it remains that way is to maintain their safety.”

The report was informed in large part by a months-long listening tour conducted by Mamdani’s director of the Office to Combat Antisemitism Phylisa Wisdom and her two deputies in the office. In a press briefing on Monday ahead of its release, Wisdom described the outreach in that listening tour as wide-ranging across the political spectrum. Mamdani’s mayoral campaign split Jewish voters along ideological lines, earning strong support from more progressive Jews and condemnation in some Orthodox Jewish communities.

One thing the strategy does not include is a precise definition of antisemitism. “New York City can and will leverage all of the tools at its disposal to combat antisemitism effectively without needing to adopt a definition for this specific form of hate,” the report reads.

Just a day into his first term, Mamdani came under harsh criticism from some Jewish groups for doing away with an executive order from former Mayor Eric Adams’ administration that adopted the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance’s definition of antisemitism. Mamdani noted at the time that some Jewish organizations don’t abide by it because it includes references to criticism of the state of Israel.

The report cites a description laid out by former President Joe Biden’s administration as a “useful framework” but notes that federal hate crimes statutes don’t adopt a single definition of discrimination.

Mamdani has consistently come under criticism during his campaign and over his first year in office for his condemnations of Israel and Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu over the war in Gaza, which some Jewish organizations and leaders say stokes antisemitism.

“The rise in antisemitic rhetoric and violence has taken a real and painful toll,” an introduction attributed to Mamdani in the report reads. “Our Jewish neighbors have been attacked for wearing a yarmulke or a Star of David. They have encountered slurs on the street and swastikas on their sidewalks. Synagogues and community centers that once kept their doors open have been forced to take extraordinary security precautions because the threat of violence is real.”

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